The Psychology of Music: An Overview of Music and the Mind, Study notes of Political Economy

Download The Psychology of Music: An Overview of Music and the Mind and more Study notes Political Economy in PDF only on Docsity!

The Psychology of Music: An Overview

An Honors Thesis (HONRS 499)

by

Joey Thomas

Thesis Advisor Dr. Robert Fischer

Ball State University Muncie, Indiana April 2009 Graduation May 2009

c " (^) I '"'[" (^) .' (", (^) "l ; f j '1 '_ Psychology of Music Abstract Relative to other areas^ ,^ -^. of psychology, not a great deal of literature is available on research pertaining or even relating to music. A history of the subfield known as the psychology of music (or music psychology), in particular, does not to my knowledge exist in the form of a single source. Here, I provide an overview of events and concepts that define the study of music psychology.

artist than Tony Conrad? I should think not, but part of the beauty of music lies in the fact that our perception of it is subjective. Still, it remains that the average person is inclined to prefer certain arrangements of sound-those that best follow the aforementioned rules to which I have previously alluded (Levitin, 2006; Storr, 1992). Why is this so? Furthermore, why is it music-particularly that which is entirely instrumental, as there are no words with which one may make emotional associations-has the ability to make us feel as sad as though a loved one has died one minute and as happy as we would be if all in our lives were perfect only a few songs later? Why does early 1990s hip-hop nearly always move me to dance? How is it the 1965 hit "Get Off of My Cloud" by the Rolling Stones is (much to my chagrin, I should add) so often stuck in my roommate Adam's head? Hundreds, even thousands of similar questions could easily follow, but the matter of uncovering their answers is something altogether more complicated. Where the aforementioned areas of musicology and music theory intersect with concepts of neurology, various psychologies (particularly cognition), and psychoacoustics, we find what has developed into the present day psychology of music (or, alternately, music psychology). It is thus in music psychology where we begin our hunt for those difficult answers. In part, the interdisciplinary nature of the psychology of music is what makes the search so arduous. Such a field is inherently broad, often resulting in disagreements regarding various concepts and phenomena-argument over what is known as the "consonance problem," a topic that will be discussed later, being a prime example (Levitin, 2006; Meyer, 1956; Revesz, 2001). At the same time, however, bringing together various approaches and schools of thought to systematic research lends us a greater understanding of how we hear, play (both in terms of

practice and performance), and think about music by providing wealth of varied opinions and a greater pool of resources from which to work. Unfortunately, relatively few texts dedicated solely (or at least directly) to music psychology are in print today. A large percentage of those I have encountered have made their way in to my personal collection and, thus, have served as invaluable resources in the formulation of the words found here. Also, it is worth noting that research in the area seems to be gaining popUlarity of late, as I have seen relatively accessible texts such as Daniel J. Levitin's This is Your Brain on Music and Oliver Sacks' Musicophilia-both of which come as highly recommended further reading-find their way into the bestseller sections of bookstores. Neither of these books, nor any other I have come across has approached the psychology of music from a historical standpoint. Each treats work in the field on a phenomenological basis, often utilizing research in this area to explain varying processes or concepts in related fields. This causes one difficulty in trying to truly get a sense of the psychology of music as a whole, especially in terms of directional changes and prevailing ideas. My original intention, then, was to commit myself to a literature review and develop a brief, accessible introduction to and history of music psychology. I quickly found myself overwhelmed due to the previously discussed broadness of the topic at hand. Findings regarding one area of study or another are often decades apart as a result of new research, technological advances (particularly in terms of brain imaging techniques), and changes in the zeitgeist of not only psychology, but also of other areas of research related to the psychology of music in particular. Despite these barriers, I have done my best to provide an overview of important events and popular concepts in the psychology of music in a manner reasonably accessible to a

(Levitin). With the advent of recordings came opportunities for further commercialization of music, itself leading to greater emphasis on skill and adding in the factor of fame and notoriety for some professional musicians, further setting them apart from everyone else. In other parts of the world, this is simply not the case, as musical performance (as well as dancing, which is, in many languages, defined by the same word as singing) remains as much a part of everyday life as speaking (Levitin). The average person may not be an expert musical performer, but he or she is most definitely an expert musical listener, even despite a lack of technical, textbook knowledge (Levitin, 2006; Meyer, 1956; Sacks, 2007). In 1996, Daniel Levitin and Perry Cook published a study in which they asked people to sing their favorite songs from memory. Remarkably, the majority of subjects were able to sing within 4% of the songs' respective original tempos (Levitin). Similarly, imagining of music in most people appears to be quite faithful to the original songs, not just in terms of tempo, but also pitch and feeling (Sacks). Why are we so well tuned then to music listening? Storr (1992) writes that many scholars view the arts as luxuries, not necessities for human existence (hence the fact that music programs are unfortunately among the first to go in American schools when faced with financial troubles). Furthermore, it is thought that they evolved from adaptively useful practices. The visual arts, for example, may have evolved from the wall paintings of our ancestors, which were used for recording purposes and in rituaL Literature is similarly believed to have developed from oral story telling traditions, which was a means of passing on both important information and tradition. Music, on the other hand, is more of an enigma, as it does not appear to serve any necessary purpose. Despite this, there are many (myself included) who cannot imagine existence without music. Like sex and food, music is one of man's great passions, something beloved to

such a degree that famed neurologist and author Oliver Sacks (2007) goes so far as to deem our thirst for it musicophilia (hence the title of his book). Sacks also writes that we are no less a musical species than a linguistic one. That theorists often link the origins of music to those of speech is not a surprise then. In fact, arguments regarding just this have been going on for over two hundred years (Sacks; Storr). Jean-Jacques Rosseau was of the belief that speech and song emerged in tandem, as a sort of singsong speech. William James, on the other hand, thought music nothing more than a coincidence, an accident resulting from the fact that humans can hear (Sacks, 2007). In our own time, the evolutionary psychologist Steven Pinker has expressed similar views, even going so far as to call music "useless" in terms of biological cause and effect (Levitin, 2006; Sacks). Others, past and present, have related the origins of music to bird song (Storr, 1992). According to Storr, Charles Hartshorne, an ornithologist and philosopher, is noted in particular for his claims that birdsong contains such variation in pitch in tempo akin to human music. Hartshorne has also suggested that, because birds often sing far more than is necessary from a biological standpoint, birdsong has evolved from practical use to something done entirely for its own sake. Such has, however, been dismissed for several reasons, namely because birdsong is extremely demanding (and thus is not likely to be produced without serving some purpose) and is so complicated as to be difficult to reproduce (Alcock, 2005; Revesz, 2001; Storr). Furthermore, music resembling birdsong has not been found in any past culture, nor has it been discovered in any isolated pre literate group (Revesz; Storr). The music humans make bears such little resemblance to the sounds of other animals that it is likely entirely umelated, though interesting parallels to music have been found in gelada monkeys. In particular, geladas utilize varying rhythms, pitches, and accents in unison

Here, the most important components of communication are those concerned with expressing emotion, thus incorporating the prosodic elements of speech: stress, pitch, volume, tone of voice, and rhythm, among other things. Unfortunately, arguments regarding how music came to be must continue, as no theory thus far proposed has provided enough compelling evidence for scholars to comfortably let the issue rest (Levitin, 2006; Storr, 1992; Sacks 2007). The Birth of Music Psychology As a subfield of psychology, one might say the psychology of music is still very much in its infancy. At the same time, however, one should recognize that such a notion only applies when we look at music psychology as an organized or official area of psychological study. It is common knowledge even among those not working and studying within the realm of psychology that man had long theorized about the nature of the mind before said field's "official" birth in 1879 when Wilhelm Wundt founded the first psychology-dedicated laboratory in Leipzig, Germany (Schultz & Schultz, 2008). It would be foolish for one to assume thought and discussion regarding music-related behavior and experience did not occur as well before the actual phrases "music psychology" and "psychology of music" came to be uttered for the first time (Levitin, 2006; Sacks, 2007). Those familiar with music theory, the history of music, or the work of ancient Greek philosophers have likely encountered much proof of this assertion that the intersection of music and our minds has long been a subject of contemplation. The earliest versions of the diatonic musical scales known as the modes were developed by the ancient Greeks and both Plato and his student Aristotle would come to write of the fact that each of the seven modes tended to evoke

varying emotions in listeners (Aristotle, 2000; Hamilton & Cairns, 2005). Specifically, Aristotle wrote the following in his Politics: The musical modes differ essentially from one another, and those who hear them are differently affected by each. Some of them make men sad and grave like the so-called Mixolydian; others enfeeble the mind, like the relaxed modes; another, again, produces a moderate and settled temper, which appears to be the peculiar effect of the Dorian; the Phrygian inspires enthusiasm (Aristotle, 2000). Speculation of music, philosophy, and the human mind amongst the great thinkers of ancient Greece was not limited solely to ideas of the effects of what we hear on our mood. An earlier philosopher and mathematician, Pythagoras (who is most famous for the geometric theorem that bears his name) too forwarded the discussion of the nature of music and how we perceive it. He noted the mathematical qualities inherent in musical sounds and attempted to improve the music of his time by proposing that it would be made more pleasing to human ears if ratios and mathematical equations were properly and consistently applied by musicians and composers to their works (Revesz, 200 I; Riedwig, 2005). Later, as truly scientific research was building steam across the world and what had been an offshoot of philosophy was coming nearer to Wundt's groundbreaking work in Germany, scientists such as the prolific physician, physicist and physiologist Hermann von Helmholtz came to take further steps in the direction of modern auditory science, thus making major contributions to what would become music psychology as well (Levitin, 2006). In 1863, he published his own research (as well as a full literature review) on the physiology of sound and how it is perceived, among other things, in the form of On the Sensations of Tone (Schultz & Schultz, 2008). Prior to this, little legitimately scientific work had been done in terms of music

recognized transpositions of familiar songs, such provided for the Gestaltists a perfect example of their theory: although the pieces of such a song (meaning its notes or the nature of those notes) have been changed, the whole they form when put together is still recognizable as the original whole that was made from an entirely different set of pieces. Regarding this, it should be noted that, although the Gestalt school was essentially founded as a result of trying to answer just why this whole and others are greater than the sums of their respective parts, no conclusive answer ever materialized. It is for this reason Gestalt psychology all but died out after its first generation of adherents (Levitin). Following the work of Gestalt theorists at the turn of the twentieth century, the course of what would become the psychology of music becomes more difficult to track, what with music related psychological research coming from a variety of sources. For the most part, it seems continued study has largely been focused in the area of cognition and, since technology has become available, neuropsychology (Levitin, 2006; Sacks, 2007). How We Hear Music Pitch is measured in cycles of vibration per second. One cycle, that is one movement back and forth of an object before returning to its original position, is deemed one Hertz (Hz). Vibrations constituting these units create sound waves, which increase in pitch with the number of cycles in a second (Revesz, 2001). Humans not afflicted with any sort of hearing loss have a range of hearing from about 20 Hz to 20,000 Hz. Though we can hear sounds across this spectrum entire spectrum, the range of our perception of these sounds is not equal. In particular, sounds at both extremes of this continuum are usually heard as less distinct in nature, leading to difficulties telling one tone from another just above or below it (Levitin, 2006). Exposure to high

volume sounds and the process of aging further diminish our ability to hear sounds across the entire range of normal human hearing (Levitin; Revesz; Sacks, 2007) With regards to how we hear music, much research has been directed toward solving what has been deemed the "consonance problem" (Levitin, 2006; Meyer, 1956; Revesz, 2001). It is assumed that, in the development of the scales that make up the basis of Western music, intervallic divisions ofthe octave were chosen to produce the most pleasant sounds possible. When multiple notes are sounded simultaneously, their combination yields varying results, some deemed consonant (pleasant and musical) and others dissonant (harsh and unpleasant) (Revesz). As far back as the ancient Greeks, Revesz writes that arguments have been fought as to what explains this phenomenon. Prominent figures such as the aforementioned Plato and Pythagoras each offered their own explanations, based mostly in mathematical ratios, but none were adequate in the end. Later, the philosopher Leibniz, Helmholtz, and others developed their own theories, but again to no avail. Even now, a conclusion has yet to be reached (Levitin). Music and the Brain As previously mentioned, modem technology has allowed the study of music psychology to move in a heavily neurological direction. Levitin (2006) writes that we have already learned a great deal with regards to what happens in our brain as we listen to, play, read, and compose music. Nearly every area ofthe brain thus far identified has been implicated in one manner or another as being activated during these processes. The motor cortex and cerebellum, for example, are activated when we tap our feet along with music, as we dance, and when we play an instrument. Listening to music, of course, begins with processing in the auditory cortex, where perception and analysis of tones take place. The nucleus accumbens and amygdala make up the seat of our emotional reactions to the music, which is eventually stored in the memory

quartertones. Use of these so-called "microtones" is, in most cases, only for the purpose of moving from one note to another, between notes no smaller than the semitone (Levitin). Scales are simply subsets of note series upon which music is built collected in ascending and descending order (Levitin, 2006; Revesz, 2001). For the most part, each culture has developed its scales somewhat arbitrarily or based upon some sort of tradition (Levitin). Herriges (2006), however, explains that Middle Eastern music utilizes not scales, but a more complex system known as the maqaam to determine melodic structure in music. The maqaam generates music inherently more melodic than harmonic and which is usually accompanied by a droning tone (which itself may be consistent or modulated, as in Western music). In traditional Chinese music, the scale we commonly recognize as major pentatonic which is found regularly in both rock and blues music styles-is used quite frequently, but sounds different due to phrasing and the timbre of the instruments commonly used (Butzen,

2006). An example of such an instrument is the pipa, a four-string, teardrop-shaped and fretted

lute played by fanning the strings with the backs of one's fingers (Herriges, 2006). Even on a single instrument, playing methods differ from genre to genre and region to region, resulting in distinct temporal, timbral, melodic, and harmonic differences. For an example, I return to the electric guitar as I have played the instrument personally for nearly a decade now. I grew up playing mostly punk rock and extreme heavy metal on my guitars-two types of rock music defined by high speed, distortion (in this case meaning alteration of the original waveform via amplification to produce a "thick," sustaining sound rich in overtones), simplicity, and the use of chords commonly made up of only two or three notes. Modem African stylings, commonly referred to collectively as Afro Pop, on the other hand, most often utilize a much more complicated playing style on the same instrument, one incorporating buzzing or rattling, use of

the thumb and index finger to sound notes (as opposed to a plectrum, which is a device used to sound notes in most modem guitar playing) and extensive use of legato techniques (in this case, sounding notes using the fretting hand via what are known as hammer-ons and pull-offs) (Herriges, 2006). As opposed to the more abrasive and dissonant sounds of punk and metal, this music is intensely melodic and upbeat. Cultural differences in terms of tempo and rhythm are significant as well. Japanese music often utilizes what is known in Western music as tempo rubato, a free time slowing and speeding of tempo at the discretion of the performer (Herriges, 2006). The concepts outlined here are important to music psychology in that one must recognize differences in perception and understanding of just how "organized sound" is to be arranged. What is "right" to me in the musical sense may not be to a Balinese gamelan orchestra performer or an Indian sitarist. Conclusion Presently, few universities offer programs of study in the psychology of music and, according to Daniel Levitin (2006) there are only about 250 people in the world who pursue what he describes as "music perception and cognition" as their primary focus in research. In terms of scholarly journals, I have only been able to find about 10 offering a significant amount of published research relevant to music psychology. However, given the recent popUlarity of Levitin's This is Your Brain on Music (as well as his newest work, 2008's The World in Six Songs: How the Musical Brain Created Human Nature, which I have personally yet to get my hands on) and Oliver Sacks' books (particularly the aforementioned Musicophilia), it appears the systematic study of music and the mind is only now beginning to make noticeable contributions

References Alcock, J. (2005). Animal behavior: An evolutionary approach (8th^ ed.). Sunderland: Sinauer Associates. Aristotle (2000). Politics. (Benjamin Jowett, Trans.). New York: Dover. Budd, M. (1992). Music and the emotions: The philosophical theories. New York: Routledge. Butzen, M. (2006, March). Fret-setting: Around the world in seven scales. Guitar One, 41-42. Associated Press. (2008, December 22). Despite economy, concert sales are up. MSNBG. Retrieved March 7, 2009, from http://www.msnbc.msn.comiidl Hamilton, E. & Cairns, H. (Eds.). (2005). The collected dialogues of Plato including the letters. New York: Pantheon. Herriges, G. P. (2006). World guitar: Guitarist's guide to the traditional styles of cultures around the world. Milwaukee: Hal Leonard. Levitin, D. 1. (2006). This is your brain on music: The science of a human obsession. New York: Penguin. Meyer, L. B. (1956). Emotion and meaning in music. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Moody, N. M. (2008, December 4). Lil Wayne leads Grammy noms with 8, Coldplay 7. Express Night Out. Retrieved March 7, 2009, from http://www.expressnightout.comistartracker/details.php?docID=D94RT2KG Revesz, G. (2001). Introduction to the psychology of music. (G. 1. C. de Courcy, Trans.). New York: Dover. (Original work published 1954). Riedweg, C. (2005). Pythagoras: His life, teaching and influence. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Sacks, O. (2007). Musicophilia: Tales of music and the brain. New York: Random House.

Schultz, D. P., & Schultz, E. S. (2008) A history o/modern psychology (9th^ ed.). Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth. Storr, A. (1992). Music and the mind. New York: Ballantine.