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Cultivation Analysis: an Overview
George Gerbner
I f future historians wanted to know about the common I cultural environment of stories and images into which a child was. born in lhe second hal! of the twentieth century, where would they turn?
mains. Media, its cultural arm, is dominated by the private establishment, despite its use olthe public airways. Giant industries discharge their messages into the mainstream of common consciousness. Channels pro- liferate and new technologies pervade home and office while mergers and bottom-line pressures shrink creative alternatives and reduce diversity of content.
How would they describe its action structure, the- matic content, and representation of people? Howwould they trace the ebb and flow of its Gurrents? Pathetic to say, they would find no other source than our own Cultural Indicators data- base and reports.' Humans are the only species that lives in a world erected by the stories we tell. The story-telling process used to be hand-crafted, home-made, com- munity-inspired. Now it is the end result of a complex manufacturing and marketing.process. The situation calis for a new diagnosis and a new pre- scription. That is what the Cultural Indicators and Cultivation research projects attempted to do. Fcrthe first time in human history, children are born into homes where mass-produced stories can reach them onthe average more than sellen hours ailey. Most waking hours, and often dreams, are filled with these stories. The stories do not come from their families, schools, churches, neighborhoods, and often not even from their native countries, or, in fact, from anyone wtth anything relevant to
Broadcasting is the most con- ~=~=========-= centrated, homogenized, and globalized medium. The top U.S. 100 advertisers pay for two-thirds of all network television. Four networks, allied to giant transnational corporations-our private 'Ministry of Culture'-con- Irol the bulk of production and dis- tribution, and shape the cultural mainstream. Othsr interests, reli- giousoreducational, minority views,
Television is the source of the most broadly-shared images ana messages in history. It is the mainstream of the com- mon symbolic environment into which our children are born and in which we aI/ live out our lives. While channels P
roliferate, their contents and the potential of any challenge to dominant perspectives, lose concentrate. For more view- ground with every merger. ers, new types of delivery Formula-driven assembly-line systems such as cable, satel- produced programs increasingly lite, and the internet means dominaletheairways. Theformulas themselves rellect the structure of even deeper penetration and power that produces them and integration of the dominant function to preserve and enhance patterns of images and mes- that structure of power. sage into everyday life. For the longest time in human
============= history, stories were told only face
- to face. A community was defined tell. They come from small group of distant conglomer- ates with something to sell.
by the rituals, mythologies and imageries held in common. All useful knowledge was encapsulated in aphorisms and legends, proverbs and tales, incantations and ceremo- nies. Writing was rare and holy, forbidden for slaves. laboriously inscribed manuscripts conferred sacred power 10 their interpreters, the priests and ministers. State and
church ruled in a symbiotic relationship of mutual de-
pendenceand tension. State, composed offeudal nobles,
The cultural environment in which we live be- comes the·by product of marketing. The historic nexus of state and church is replaced bi' the new symbiotic rela- tionship of state and television. The 'state' itself is the twin institution of elected public government and selected private corporate government, ruling in economic do- $'
Communicator October-December^ - 2000 3
was the economic, military and political order; church its cultural arm. The industrial revolution changed all that. One of the first machines stamping out standardized artifacts was the printing press. Its product, the book, was a prereq- uisite for all the other upheavals to come. Printing begins the industrialization of story-telling, arguably the most profound transformation in the humanization process. When the printing press was hooked up to the steam engine tlie industrialization of story-telling shifted into high gear. Rapid publication and mass transport created a new form of consciousness: modern mass publics. Publics are loose aggregations of people who share some common consciousness of how things work, what things are, and what ought to be done-but never meet face-to-face. That was never before possible. Stories could now be sent-often smuggled-across hitherto impenetrable or closely guarded boundaries of time, space and status. The book lifts people from their traditional moorings as the industrial revolutio~ uproots them from their local communities and cultures. They can now get off the land and go to work in far-away ports, factories and continents, and have with them a packet of common consciousness-the book or journal, and later the motion picture (silent at first)-wherever they go. Publics, created by such publication, are necessary for the formation of individual and group identities in the new urban environment, as the different classes and regional, religious and ethnic groups try to maintain some sense of distinct integrity and also to live together with some degree of cooperation with other groups. Publics are the basic units of self-government, originally called res-publica or rule by publics, a republic. They make it possible to elect or select representatives to an assembly trying to reconcile diverse interests. Most of our assumptions about human development and po- litical plurality and choice are rooted in the print era. The second great transformation, the electronic revolution, ushers in the telecommunications era. Its mainstream, television, is superimposed upon and re- organizes' print-based culture. Unlike the industrial revolution, the new upheaval does not uproot people from their homes buttransports them in their homes. ' Television is the source of the most broadly-shared images and messages in history. It is the mainstream of the common symbolic environment into which our chil- dren are born and in which we all live out our lives. While channels proliferate, their contents concentrate. For most vieWers, new types of delivery systems such as cable, satellite, and the internet means even deeper penetration and integration of the dominant patterns of images arid messagesh,to everyday life.. Our research project called Cultural Indicators has
4 Communicator October-December 2000.
tracked the central streams of television's dramatic con- tent since 1967, and has explored theconsequences of growing up and living with television since 1974.
Television in Society
Television is a centralized system of story-telling. Its drama, commercials, news and other programs bring a relatively coherent system of images and messages into every home. That system cultivates from infancy the predispositions and preferences that used to be acquired from other 'primary' sources and that are so important in research on other media. Transcending historic barriers of literacy and mobil- ity, television has become the primary common source of socialization and everyday information (mostly in the form of entertainment) of otherwise heterogeneous populations. Many of those who now live with television have never before been part of a shared national culture. Television provides', perhaps for the first time since pre- industrial religion, a daily ritual that elites share with many other publics. The heart of the analogy of television and religion, and the similarity of their social functions, lies in the continual repetition of patterns (myths, ideologies, 'facts', relationships, and so on) which serve to define the world and legitimize the social order. Television is different from other media also in its centralized mass-production of a coherent set of images and messages produced for total populations, and in its relatively non-selective, almost ritualistic, use by most viewers. Exposure to the total pattern rather than only to specific genres or programs is what accounts for the historically new and distinct consequences of living with television: the cultivation of shared conceptions of reality among otherwise diverse publics. Compared to other media, television provides a relatively restricted set of choices for a virtually unre- stricted variety of interests and publics. Most of its programs are by commercial necessity designed tobe watched by large and heterogeneous audiences in a relatively non-selective fashion. Surveys show that the general amount of viewing follows the style of life of the viewer. The audience is always the group available at a certain time of the day, the week, and the season. Viewing decisions depend more on the clock than on the program. The number and variety of cho;c3s available to view when most viewers are available to watch is also limited by the fact that many programs designed for the same broad audience tend to be similar in their basic make-up and appeal In the typical U.S. home the television set is in use for over seven hours·a day. Actual viewing by persons over two years old averages more than three hours a day.
and sustain the needs, values and ideologies of mass publics. These publics, in turn, acquire distinct identities as publics-partly through exposure to the ongoing flow oi messages. The question of 'which comes first' is misleading and irrelevant. People are born into a symbolic environrnent with television as its mainstream. Children begin viewing several years before they begin reading, and well before they can even talk. Television viewing both shapes and is a stable part of lifestyles and outlooks. It links the individual to a larger if synthetic world, a world of televi- sion's own making. When we talk about the 'independent contribution' of television viewing, we mean that the development (in some) and maintenance (in others) of some set of outlooks or beliefs can be traced to steady, cumulative exposure to the world of television. Our longitudinal studies of adolescents (Gerbner, etal., 1980a; Morgan, 1982, 1987; Morgan, et aI., 1990a) show that television can exeli an independent influence on attitudes and behaviors over time, but that belief structures and concrete practices of daily life can also influence subsequent viewing. The point is that cultivation is not conceived as a unidirectional but rather more like a gravitational process. The angle and direction of the 'pull' depends on where groups ofviewers and their styles of life are with reference
to the line of gravity, the 'mainstream' of the world 01
television. Each group may strain in a different direction, but all groups are affected by the same central current. Cultivatiori is thus part of a continual, dynarnic, ongoing process oi interaction among messages and contexts. This holds even though (and in a sense because) the hallmark of the process, once television is established as the main culfural arm of a stable society, is either relative stability or only slow change. A radical change of social relations may, of course, lead to a change in the system of messages and consequently to the cultivatio!l of new and different perspectives. As Successive generations grow up with television's version o{ the world, the former and more traditional distinctions established before the coming of television, and still maintained to some extent among light viewers, become blu·rred. Cultivation implies the stea.dy en- trenchm~nt of mainstream orientations for most ,7iewers. That process of apparent convergence of outlooks we call 'mainstreaming.' Cultivation analysis begins with message system analysis iaentifying the most recurrent, stable, and overarching patterns of television content. These are the consisterit images, portrayals, and values that cut across mo_sUypeSQtprograms and are_vjrluall}' inescapable .for regular (and'especiallythe heavy) viewers. They are the aggregate messages embedded in television as a sys-
tem rather than in specific programs, types, or genres. We must emphasize again that testing 'cultivation' on the basis of program preferences, short run exposures, or claims of program changes or diversity (all of which have been tried as 'replications') may illuminate some media effects but does not address fundamental as- sumptions of cultivation theory. That is that only repeti· tive, long-range, and consistent exposure to patterns common to most programming, such as casting, social typing, and the 'fate' of different social types, can be expected to cultivate stable and widely-shared images of life and society.
Methods of Cultivation Analysis
There are many critical discrepancies between the world and the 'world as portrayed on television.' Findings from systematic analyses of television's message. sys- tems are used to formulate questions about the potential 'lessons' of viewing concerning people's conceptions of social reality. Some of the questions are semi-projective, some use a forced-errorformat, and othersimply measure beliefs, opinions, altitudes, or behaviors. (None asks responaents' views about television itsel!.) Using standard techniques of survey methodology, the questions are posed to samples (national probability, regional, convenience) of adults, adolescents, orchildren. Secondary analyses of large scale national surveys (for example, the National Opinion Research Center's Gen- eral Social Surveys) have often been used when they include questions thai relate to potential 'lessons' ot the television world and viewing data are available for the respondents. Television vie wino is usually assessed by multiple
indicators of the arnGLmt of time respondents watch
television on an 'avemge day.' Since the amount of viewing is used in rela;J¥e terms, the determination of what constitutes 'light,' 'medium: and 'heavy' viewing is made on a sarnple,by·sample basis, using as close to an even three-way spli! 01 flOUrs of daily television viewing as possible. Wilat is important is that there should be significant relative difi,lfPllces in viewing levels, not the actual or specific amount of viewing. The heaviest viewers of any sample of mspondents form the popula· tion on which cultivation can be tested.^3
The observable evidence 01 cultivation is likely to be
modest in terms absolute "izE!. Even light viewers may be watching several nours of television a day and of course live in the same general culture as heavy view6fs.
Therefore, the discovery 01 a systematic pattern of even
small but pervasive differences between light and he&vy viewers may be oHar-reaching consequence. Illakes but a few degrees shift ill the ElI/Brage temperature to have an
ice age or giobal warming. A range 01 3 to 15 per cent
margins (typical of our 'cultivation differentials') in a large and otherwise stable field often signals a landslide, a market takeover, or an epiti^ 8mic, and it certainly tips the scale of any closely balanced choice, vote, or other decision. Aslight but pervasive (e.g., generational) shift in the cultivation of common perspectives may alter tile cultural climate and upset the balance of social and political decision-making without necessarily changing observable behavior. A single percentage point ratings difference in a large market is worth many millions of dollars in advertising revenue·-as lhe networks know only too well.
Variations in CUltivation
We have noted that cultivation is not a unidirectional flow of inliuence from television to audience, but part of a continual, dynamic, ongoing process of interaction among messages and contexts. In many cases, those who watch more television (the heavy viewers) are more likely-in all or most subgroups-to give the 'television answers.'. But often the patterns are more complex. Cultivation is both dependent on and a manifestation of the extent to which television's imagery dominates viewers' sources of information. For exanple, personal interaction makes a difference. Parental co-viewing patterns and orientations towards television can either increase (Gross and Morgan, 1985) or decrease (Rothschild and Morgan, 1987) cultivation among ado- lescents. Also, children who are more integrated into cohesive peer or family groups are more resistant to cultivation .(Rothschild, 1984). Direct experience also plays a role. The relationship
between amount 01 viewing and fear of crime is strongest
among those who live in high crime urban areas. This is a phenomenon we have called 'resonance,' in which everyday reality and television provide a 'double dose' of messages that 'resonate' and amplify cultivation. The relationships between amount of viewing and the tendency to hold. e)(aggerated perceptions of violence are also more pronounced within those real-world demographic subgroups (e.g., minorities) whose fictional counterparts are relatively more frequently victimized on television (Morgan, 1983). There are many factors aqd processes that produce systematic and theoretically meaningful variations in cultivation patterns. One process, however, stands out, both as an indicator of differential vulnerability and as a general, consistent pattern representing one of the most
profound consequences 01 living with television. That is
the process of mainstreaming. Most cultures consist of many diverse currents. But
there is typically a dominant set of attitudes, beliefs, values, and practices. This dominant current is not simply the sum total of all the cross-currents and sub- currents. Rather, it is the most general, functional and stable mainstream, representing the broadest dimensions
of shared meanings and assumptions. It is that which
ultimately defines all the other cross-currents and sub- currents, including what Williams (1977) called 'residual and emergent strains.' Television's central role in our society makes it the primary channel of the mainstream of our .culture. This mainstream can be thought of as a relative commonality of outlooks and values that heavy exposure to the television world tends to cultivate. 'Mainstreaming' means that heavy viewing may absorb or override dif- ferences in perspectives and behavior which ordinarily stem from other factors and influences. In other words, differences found in the responses of different groups of viewers, differences that usually are associated with the varied cultural, social, and political characteristics of these groups, are diminished in the responses of heavy viewers in these same groups. As a process, mainstreaming represents the theo- retical elaboration and empirical verification of television's cultivation of common perspectives. It represents a relative homogenization, an absorption of divergentviews, and an apparent convergence of disparate outlooks upon the overarching patterns of the television world.
The Findings of Cultivation AnalysiS
Clear-cut divergences between symbolic reality and independently observable ('objective') reality provide convenient tests of the extent to which television's ver- sions of 'the facts' are incorporated or absorbed into what heavy viewers take for granted about the world. For example, we found that television drama tends to sharply underrepresent older people. While those over 65 con-
stitute the fastest growing segment 01 the real world
population in the U.S., heavy viewers were more likely to feel that the elderly are a 'vanishing breed'-that com- pared to 20 years ago there are fewer of them, that they are in worse health, and that they don't live as long-all contrary to fact (Gerbner, et aI., 1980b). As another example, consider how likely television characters are to encounter violence compared to the rest of us. Well over half of all major characters on television are involved each week in some kind of violent action. While FBI statistics have clear limitations, they indicate that in anyone year less than one per cent of people in the U.S. are victims of criminal violence. We have found considerable support for the proposition that heavy exposure to the world of television cultivates Mijill~~~~~~;$B.-m-mw"'''t'''p",' ___________w____....*____."'''''''..____..
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mean the ,'middle of tll6\ road: When we analyzed re-
sponses to questions in the NORC General Social Sur- veys about attitudes and opinions on such topics as racial segregation. homosexuality, abortion, minority rights, and other issues which have traditionally divided liberals and conservatives, we found such division mostly among those who watch little television. Overall, self-styled moderates are much closer to conservatives than they are to liberals. Among heavy viewers, liberals and conservatives are closer to each other than among light viewers. We have also noted (Gerbneret aI., 1982, 1984) that while mainstreaming bends toward the right on political issues, it leans towards a populist stance on economic issues (e.g., demanding more social services but lower taxes), reflecting the influence of a marketing orientation and setting up potential conflicts of demands and expectations. Implications of cultivation for foreign policy were reflected in a study of attitudes toward the war in the Persian Gulf (Lewis, Jhally, and M.organ, 1991). Heavy television viewers were more familiar with the milttary terminology used and more supportive of the war but less informed about issues and the Middle East in general. Overall amount of viewing was far more important than specific exposure to news.
International Cultivation Anllllysis
Cultivation analysis is well suited to multinational and cross-cultural comparative study (Gerbner, 1977, 1989; Morgan, 1990). In fact, such study is the best test of system-wide similarities and differences across national boundaries, and of the actual significance of national cultural policies. Every country's television system reflects the histori- cal, political, social, economic, and cultural contexts within which it has developed (Gerbner, 1958, 1969). Although U.S. films and television are a significant presence on the screens of most countries (Varis, 1984), they combine with local and other productions to compose synthetic "worlds" that are culture-specific. Other media systems and policies mayor may not project images and portrayals that are as stable, coherent, and homogene- ous as those of U.S. media (as, for example, we have found, surprisingly, in the Soviet Union, as we will note below). Therefore, they mayor may not lend themselves to the type of cultivation and mainstreaming we find in the U.S. (see Gerbner, 1990; Morgan, 1990; Tamborini and Choi,1990). International work in cultivation analysis attempts to answer the question whether the medium or the system is the message. It reveals the extent to which, and the
conceptions of social reality congruent with its most stable and recurrent messages and images. Of course, given the range of variations in susceptibility to cultivation even within the U.S., there is no reason to assume that cUltivation patterns will be identical or invariant across cultures. Pingree and Hawkins (1981) found that exposure to U.S. programs (especially crime and adventure) was significantly related to Australian students' scores on 'Mean World' and 'Violence in Society' indices concern- ing Australia, but not the U.S. Viewing Australian'pro- grams was unrelated to these conceptions, but those who watched more U.S. programs were more likely to see Australia as dangerous and mean. Weimann's (1984) study of high school and college students in Israel found that heavy viewers had an idealized, 'rosie( image of the standard of living in the U.S. In England, Wober (1978) found little support for cultivation in terms of images of violence. (See also Wober, 1984, 1990; Gunter, 1987; Wober and Gunter, 1988; Gunter and Furnham, 1984). But there was little violence in British programs, and U.S. programs only made up about 15 percent of British screen time. Piepe, et al. (1990) found evidence of political 'homogenization' (mainstreaming) in Britain that was highly congruent with U.S. findings (Gerbner, et aI., 1982), as did Morgan and Shanahan (1991) in Argentina. In the Netherlands, Bouwman (1984) found weak associations between amount of viewing and percep- tions of violence, victimization, and mistrust. But the findings reveal the importance of cultural context in comparative cultivation research. Content analyses showed a good deal of similarity between U.S. and Dutch television (Bouwman and Stappers, 1984; Bouwman and Signorielli, 1985) and much programming was imported from the U.S. Yet, it was found that both light and heavy viewers see about equal amounts of fictional entertain- ment, but heavy viewers see more 'informational' pro- grams, a situation quite different from that of the U.S. (See also Bouwman, 1982, 1983, 1987; Bouwman, et al., 1987; Stappers, 1984.) Cultivation analyses about conceptions of violence, sex-roles, political orientations, 'traditional' values, social stereotypes, and other topics have been conducted in numerous other countries, including Sweden (Hedinsson and Windahl, 1984; Reimer and Rosengren, 1990), Ar- gentina (Morgan and Shanahan, 1991), the Philippines (Tan et aI., 1987), Taiwan and Mexico (Tan, et al., 1986), Japan (Saito, 1991), and Thailand (Tan and Suarchavarat, 1988). These studies show the complex ways in which the viewing of local or imported programming can interact with distinct cultural contexts. For example, in Korea, ways in which, each message system contributes, to Kang and Morgan (1988) found that exposure to U.S. ~"~'~"~1~I~m~WM~1~~~~~~~~~~oom~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
television was associated with more 'liberal' perspectives about gender-roles and family values among females. At the same time, more viewing of U.S. television among Korean male students correlated with greater hostility towards the U.S. and protectiveness towards Korean culture, suggesting a 'backlash' of nationalism among the more politicized college students.. Most of these studies examined single countries. Comparative cross-cultural research typically requires complex joint development and collaboration. It takes longer, costs more, and is more difficult to fund. Never- theless, recent research has begun to emphasize the comparative aspects of cultivation analysis. Morgan and Shanahan, in press analyzed adolescents in Taiwan and Argentina. In Argentina, where television is supported by commercials and features many U.S. programs, heavy viewing cultivates traditional gender roles and authori- tarianism. In Taiwan, where media are more state- controlled, with fewer U.S. imports, and where overall viewing is much lighter, cultivation was much less ap- parent. Also, Morgan (1990) compared the cultivation of sex"role stereotypes in five different countries. Large-scale comparative cultivation analyses involv- ing many countries were underway or planned in the early 1990s. One of the first to be concluded, a study of U.S. and Soviet television conducted in 1989 and 1990, found that television plays a different role in the two countries. In the U.S., but not in the SovietUnion, television heightens anxieties about neighborhood safety (including com- parisons of light and heavy viewers in the same types of neighborhoods), perhaps as a result of the much lower frequency of violence on Soviet television. In both countries, but especially in the Soviet Union, the more people watch television the more they are likely to say that housework is primarily the responsibility olthe woman. General satisfaction with life is consistently lower among heavy than among light television viewers in the U.S. but not in the Soviet Union (where it is relatively low for everyone). Both U.S. and Soviet television systems reduce social and economic differences in attitudes, but this is especially so in the U.S. where such differences are greater. Lacking regular prime-time dramatic series and relying more on movies, theater, documentaries, and the classics, Soviet television may, in fact, present a more diversified dramaticfare than U.S. television. At any rate, television viewing seems to have greater mainstreaming consequences in the U.S. than in the Soviet Union. The availabilityofdifferentcultural and language programming in the different republics of the USSR may also contribute to the relative diversity of Soviet television-and to the ceritrifUgal forces tearing the Union apart. In sum, in countries in which television's portrayals
are less repetitive and homogeneous than in the U.S., the results of cultivation analysis also tend to be less pre- dictable and consistent. The extent to which cultivation will occur in a given country will also depend on various structural factors, such as the number of channels available, overall amount of broadcasting time, and amount of time audiences spend viewing. But it will especially depend on the amount of diversity in the available content, which is not necessarily related to the number of channels. A single channel with a diverse and balanced program structure can foster (and, in fact, compel) more diversified viewing, than many channels competing forthe same audience, using similar appeals, and lending themselves to viewer selection of the same 'preferences' most of the time. Different media systems differ along all these dimen- sions, and complex interactions among these elements may account for substantial cross··cultural variations in cultivation. Imported U.S. programs can augment, di- minish or be irrelevant to these dynamics. The key questions are: (1) how important is television in the culture, and (2) how consistent and coherent is the total system of its messages? The more important, consist- ent, and coherent the more cultivation can be expected.
Conclusions
Television pervades the symbolic environment. Cultivation analysis focuses on the consequences of exposure to its recurrent patterns of stories, images, and messages. Ourtheories of the cultivation process attempt to understand and explain the dynamics of television as the distinctive and dominant cultural force of our age. Our explorations and formulations have been chal- lenged, enriched, confirmed, and extended by studies of numerous independent investigators in the United States and abroad, and are still evolving especially as they are being applied in more and more countries. Cultivation analysis is not a substitute for but a complement to traditional approac es to media effects. Traditional research is concerned II/ith change rather than stability and with processes r, 0re applicable to media that enter a person's life at later stages (with mobility, literacy, etc.) and more selectively. Neitherthe 'before and after exposure' model, nor the notion of 'predispositions' as intervening variables, so important in traditional effects studies, apply in the con- text of cultivation analysis. Television enters life in infancy; there is no 'before exposure' condition. Televi- sion plays a role in the formation of those very 'predis- positions' that later intervene (and often resist) other influences and. attempts at persuasion. Cultivation analysis concentrates on the enduring
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