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The theology of John Owen, a 17th-century theologian, who rooted the high priestly ministry of Christ and the atonement on a trinitarian basis. Owen's views on the Father-Son relationship, the denial of the deity of the Holy Spirit, and the debates between the West and the East regarding the Trinity. Owen's emphasis on the three persons and their distinct communion is also highlighted.
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Robert Letham ∗ Introduction Works Dealing with Owen Owen has attracted a fair amount of scholarly attention, although not perhaps as much as he deserves. The past thirty-five years have seen accounts of his life by Peter Toon, his theology of the Christian life by Sinclair Ferguson, his trinitarian theology by Carl Trueman, and his Christology by Richard Daniels.^1 I will pass over the details of his life, which I imagine are well known to many of you. 2 Main Works in which He Deals with the Trinity Carl Trueman has demonstrated that the doctrine of the trinity is crucial for the whole of Owen’s theology. 3 We will be dealing here with his doctrine of the trinity as such , setting it in the context of the historic discussions of the Christian Church, both East and West. In 1650, Owen published his great work on the atonement, The Death of Death in the Death of Christ, rooting the high priestly ministry of Christ—and the atonement in particular—on a trinitarian basis, seen in the eternal counsels of God, which Owen describes as the covenant of redemption. Since the idea of the pactum salutis was new, advocated first in developed form by Cocceius only two years earlier, this is undeveloped in comparison with his later exposition of the theme. In the Vindiciae Evangelicae, or the Mystery of the Gospel Vindicated and Socinianism Examined (1655), a painstaking and tedious work, Owen refutes the early English Unitarian, John Biddle, point-by- point, in the course of which he rebuts the Racovian Catechism (1605) of the Socinians, as well ∗ (^) Dr. Letham is Senior Tutor in Systematic and Historical Theology at the Evangelical Theological College of Wales. This paper was originally presented at the Westminster Conference, December 2006. (^1) P. Toon, God’s Statesman: The Life and Work of John Owen (Exeter: Paternoster, 1971); S. Ferguson, John Owen on the Christian Life (Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1987); C. R. Trueman, The Claims of Truth: John Owen’s Trinitarian Theology (Carlisle: Paternoster, 1998); R. W. Daniels, The Christology of John Owen (Grand Rapids: Reformation Heritage Books, 2004). (^2) Born 1616 at Stadhampton, near Oxford. Graduated from Oxford University in 1632, at the age of 16. Ordained deacon in 1635 and began the study of theology. After two years he left, owing to the increasing power of William Laud, and became the personal chaplain and tutor to Sir Robert Dormer of Ascot. Moved to London in 1642, at the start of the Civil War. His first book, A Display of Arminianism , published in March. Married. Eleven children, only one of whom survived to adulthood. Minister at Fordham in Essex. 1646 preached to Parliament and moved to a pastorate in Coggeshall, Essex. By now convinced of Congregationalism. In 1648 preached to the troops of General Fairfax, leading Parliamentary General, as well as—again—to Parliament. Met Cromwell, who made him his chaplain—and so he accompanied Cromwell to Ireland and Scotland. In 1651 Cromwell, now Chancellor of Oxford University, appointed Owen Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, and in 1652 Vice-Chancellor of Oxford University. A constant stream of publications was flowing from his pen. With Cromwell’s death in 1658 Owen began to fade from the public scene. He played a leading role in the Congregational Synod at the Savoy Palace in 1658. Following the restoration of the monarchy, he was one of the two thousand ministers ejected from their churches and livelihoods in
as some of the writings of the Dutch jurist and theologian Hugo Grotius.^4 Two years later he produced his remarkable book, On Communion with God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, each Person Distinctly. Since this is an edited form of the substance of sermons he had preached to his Coggeshall congregation at least six years earlier, these ideas had been present in Owen’s thought for some time but were marinated as he wrote, edited, and published them. This is an especially valuable work, worth serious and detailed perusal, reflection, and appropriation. Rather later comes his massive Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (1668–84). Included in this is an exercitation in which Owen expounds the federal relations between the Father and the Son in more detail than his earlier discussion in The Death of Death. Finally, there is his more popular, quickly produced—but for that reason important, since it is his distilled mature thought—and short work, A Brief Declaration and Vindication of the Doctrine of the Trinity (1669). Besides these volumes, devoted specifically to the trinity, there are other works of direct relevance, in which material of immediate connection to the trinity can be found. On the Person of Christ ; Meditations and Discourses on the Glory of Christ ; Discourse on the Holy Spirit ; On the Work of the Holy Spirit in Prayer ; On the Holy Spirit and His Work , are obvious; but also in his The Doctrine of Justification by Faith he connects the work of Christ and the imputation of Christ’s righteousness in justification with the trinity. The Catholic Context Richard Muller, in the fourth volume of his Post-Reformation Reformed Dogmatics , places the Reformed Orthodox, Owen included, in context of the Western tradition, 5 but we should recall that the doctrine of the trinity was forged in the East, in the Greek-speaking church. Foundational is the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed, dating from the first Council of Constantinople ( A.D.), which resolved the Arian and Eunomian crisis. Arius had taught that the Son was divine and made the world, but in turn was created by God, who became Father in so doing. The church replied at the Council of Nicaea (325 AD) that the Son was not a creature but was begotten by the Father and so is co-eternal, of the same identical being as the Father. 6 Nicaea did not solve the crisis; it propelled it to the next stage. Labyrinthine complexities lurked at every corner. The language did not then exist to distinguish the way God is three from the way he is one. Terms were used interchangeably and with a variety of meanings. Only with the Cappadocians—Basil in particular—backed by Athanasius, did agreement emerge to use the word ousia for God’s indivisible being, and hypostasis for the three. Eunomius, a much more (^4) Lelio Sozzini (1525–1562) and his nephew Faustus Sozzini (1539–1604) were the founders of a movement, based in Poland and Lithuania, that had at one time upwards of two hundred churches. Rakow in Poland was the hub for forty years after the death of Faustus. It was there that the Catechism was produced in 1605, with a German translation following three years later. The movement spread to Germany and Holland. Socinians were expelled from all countries, although penalties against them were rarely enforced. It infiltrated England in the 1630s through John Hales and William Chillingworth, and the Catechism was translated into English in 1652, possibly through John Biddle. For Socinianism the trinity is contrary to reason and Scripture. Matter is co-eternal with God, who is limited in space and has no foreknowledge of future events. Christ is human and has no pre-existence. The Holy Spirit is simply the power of God and has no distinct personal identity. The cross has only an exemplary role, while salvation comes through human obedience to Christ’s commands, Original sin is rejected. Adam was naturally mortal. There is no hell. Those not saved will be annihilated. Christianity must be consistent with reason. (^5) R. A. Muller, Post-Reformation Reformed Dogmatics: The Rise and Development of Reformed Orthodoxy, Ca. 1520 to Ca. 1725: Volume Four: The Triunity of God (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2004). (^6) R. Letham, The Holy Trinity: In Scripture, History, Theology, and Worship (Phillipsburg, N.J: P&R, 2004), 108 –
essence—the essence is before the persons—a fundamentally impersonal doctrine of God results. Bearing in mind the immediate threat of Islam in the thirteenth century, this is most unfortunate. 15 Aquinas’ pattern is followed in most Western discussions of the doctrine of God. 16 Joseph Farrell has argued that this originated in neoPlatonism’s doctrine of the One, imported by Augustine,^17 but recent discussion of Augustine and neoPlatonism has undermined this thesis. Besides, the simplicity of God was taught by all. However, what is striking in Aquinas is the place he gives it and the emphasis he places on it. He goes as far as to equate the being of God and his attributes—due to his doctrine of simplicity, the will of God is identical to and indistinguishable from his being. This would lead logically to a doctrine of the necessity of creation, or to the coeternity of matter (both of which Aquinas denies). However, a century earlier Peter Lombard (c.1100–1160), Bishop of Paris, in his Libri Sententiae , had propounded a thoroughly trinitarian doctrine of God. Of the forty two distinctions in the first of the four books of the Sentences the first thirty-four are on the trinity. This was the standard textbook in the Western schools right up to the Reformation. Aquinas was a powerful force and would eventually dominate. Nevertheless, Lombard still faces the basic problems bequeathed by Augustine and comes up with answers very much like Aquinas was to do—because of his simplicity God is identical to his attributes; citing Augustine he says “Voluntas et potentia Dei Deus ipse est.” 18 John Calvin follows Lombard rather than Aquinas, in making his doctrine of the trinity his doctrine of God. In Book One of the Institute his discussion of God is simply focused on the trinity. His consideration of the existence and attributes of God is, in comparison, quite meagre.^19 However, as Muller has correctly argued, the bulk of the Reformed Orthodox follow the traditional Western line of thought seen in Aquinas. 20 Main Features of Owen’s Trinitarianism Owen is not so much an innovator as a brilliant synthesizer. His trinitarianism is classic and orthodox in the Western sense but he avoids some of its problems. One of the ways he achieves this is by his overwhelmingly biblical approach. There is a remarkable absence of philosophical terminology, a profusion of biblical exegesis.
neither could God be called the Father during the OT.^22 In turn, the distinct persons do not prove a difference of essence between the Father and the Son, nor does distinction and inequality of office detract from their equality and sameness of essence and nature. (This had been the riposte of the proNicenes, that the name Son—and the doctrine of eternal generation—denotes identity of nature). Similarly for Owen, the advancement and exaltation of Christ as mediator is consistent with his essential dignity as God, while his humanity does not deny his deity.^23 He bases his refutation on a plenitude of Biblical texts—both in Vindiciae Evangelicae and Vindication of the Doctrine of the Trinity. Noticeable by its absence is a reliance on Aristotle. In contrast to the Socinian denial of the personality of the Holy Spirit—they themselves recognized that if they were to concede his personality his deity would follow—Owen cites many bsiblical texts to prove that “the Holy Spirit is an eternally existing divine substance, the author of divine operations, and the object of divine and religious worship.” 24 The Spirit is a divine, distinct person, placed in the same series as other divine persons, and is not merely the power of God.^25 The three are distinct “by certain relative properties”—a phrase reminiscent of Calvin’s “by certain characteristic properties”^26 —and, Owen says, “the nature of this distinction lies in their mutual relation one to another.”^27 The three delight in each other.^28 Just like the Arians and Eunomians of the fourth century, the Socinians paraded a regard for the Bible, opposing the use of extra-biblical terminology. Like the Cappadocians and Calvin before him, Owen stresses that the Fathers’ terms convey the sense of Scripture; they are “expository of what is so contained.” To deny this on the pretext of reverence for Scripture is to render Scripture useless.^29
to the Son the ordered disposition of all things, while to the Spirit is assigned the power and efficacy of that activity. 40 According to Owen, our communion with the Father consists principally in our response to his love, which elicits “a peculiar delight and acquiescing in the Father.”^41 Our distinct communion with the Son is with him as our mediator, in response to his grace. Union with Christ consists firstly in Christ’s assumption of the substance of human nature, which has no subsistence of its own (the dogma of enhypostasia affirmed by Constantinople II); the communion of attributes in the person of the Son (classic catholic Christology); and the execution of his office of mediation in his single person, in respect of both natures. In short “he hath a fitness to save, having pity and ability, tenderness and power, to carry on that work to the uttermost; and a fulness to save, of redemption and sanctification, of righteousness and the Spirit; and a suitableness to the wants of all our souls.” 42 In short, Owen takes the developed post- Chalcedonian Christology of Constantinople II and Constantinople III and applies it rigorously to Christian piety—a superb example of a synthesis of metatheoretical constructs, catholic exegesis and dogma, and practical pastoral piety. In this he is more in line with Calvin and Lombard than Aquinas. Note how Calvin deals with the deity of Christ and the Holy Spirit successively in Book 1of the Institute. Owen shows—as I have said elsewhere—something of an Eastern cast in this respect; borne out perhaps by a number of volumes of Palamas in the sale catalogue of his library. 43 Finally, our communion with the Holy Spirit focuses on his actions—his working effectually, giving, glorifying Christ, and as a seal, and an earnest. Owen uses Ephesians 2:18 as the crux. In each act of adoration and worship, all three persons are adored and worshipped. Our access is to the Father, through Christ, by the Holy Spirit; when any one person is worshipped the whole Godhead is worshipped. Thus, we are distinctly to worship the Holy Spirit, and in doing so we worship the whole trinity.^44 This reminds us of the statement about the Spirit in the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed—“who together with the Father and the Son is worshipped and glorified.”
far the best.^47 He relates all aspects of classic trinitarian doctrine to it and guards against misunderstandings in a way that is seldom repeated and never bettered. Discussing the eternal trinitarian counsel concerning our salvation, he remarks these were carried on “per modum foederis,” “by way of covenant”... between the Father and the Son; for although it should seem that because they are single acts of the same divine understanding and will, they cannot be properly federal, yet because those properties of the divine nature are acted distinctly in the divine persons, they have in them the nature of a covenant. Besides, there is in them the supposition of the susception of our human nature into personal union with the Son. On the consideration thereof he comes to have an absolute distinct interest and to undertake for that which is his own work peculiarly. And therefore are these counsels of the will of God, wherein lies the foundation of the priesthood of Christ, expressly declared as a covenant in Scripture.^48 He points out that the word “covenant” is used in a variety of ways in Scripture, including synechdochally for the law, and also for an absolute promise (Is. 59:21). 49 “An absolutely complete covenant is a voluntary convention, pact, or agreement, between distinct persons, about the ordering and disposal of things in their power, unto their mutual concern and advantage.” Required are distinct persons, a voluntary decision about things in their power, for the mutual content and satisfaction of the persons involved.^50 Where anything is distinctly required of one party three elements are present: a proposal of service; a promise of reward; and an acceptance of the proposal. This introduces an inequality and subordination—he who prescribes is superior to he who observes the prescriptions.^51 “Of this nature is that divine transaction that was between the Father and the Son about the redemption of mankind.”^52 The Father and the Son were distinct persons and, Owen concludes, their relations were of a federal nature. John 14:28, Jesus’ comment, “My Father is greater than I” was expounded by the Fathers as referring, against the Arians, to Christ’s human nature. But this, Owen argues, would be so obvious as to need no explanation. “But our Saviour speaks with respect unto the covenant engagement that was between the Father and himself as to the work which he had to do.” No more is intended than that the person of the Son is of the person of the Father.^53 At the same time, the will of the Father and the will of the Son concurred in this matter— as the covenant was voluntary and of choice. It is seen in the authority of the Father in issuing commands to the Son as incarnate for the discharge of his work.^54 “Let none, then, once imagine that this work of entering into covenant about the salvation of mankind was any way necessary unto God, or that it was required by virtue of any of the essential properties of his nature, so that he must have done against them in doing otherwise. God was herein absolutely free, as he was (^47) This was first foreshadowed by C. Olevian, De Substantia Foederis Gratuiti Inter Deum et Electos (Geneva,
enemy had emerged. Socinianism was a most radical form of anti-trinitarianism, denying almost every doctrine of the Christian faith. Its attacks on the doctrine of the trinity thrust it into the foreground in a way that had not been so earlier. This difference with Westminster can be exaggerated—Owen’s role in the Savoy Declaration puts this in perspective; it was effectively The Westminster Confession of Faith with changes to fit Congregational polity. Moreover the Westminster Assembly was by no means a monolithic body, tolerating a surprisingly wide range of opinion on a number of important matters—far wider than seen in Owen.
answers (unlike others who seem unaware of the problems with a formulation that has received no classic confessional status). 64