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The use of summary jury trials as an alternative to traditional civil trials, focusing on their potential impact on trial and settlement costs. The analysis includes the conscientiousness of mock juries, the role of judges, and the potential savings in trial time. The document also touches upon the limitations of current studies and the potential implications for other alternative dispute resolution methods.
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Richard A. Posnert
I have been asked (^) to discuss alternatives to existing methods of judicial dispute (^) resolution. The great interest in such alterna- tives reflects the widespread sense, which I share,^1 that our courts are dangerously overloaded. I had originally (^) planned to discuss a variety of alternatives, but as I explored the literature 2 I became fascinated with the summary jury trial, and realized it was a sub- ject worthy of an entire paper. But much of what I shall say (^) about the summary jury trial applies to other alternatives as well, so that the paper is (^) not quite so narrow as it may seem; and Part III dis- cusses two of those alternatives.
I. CRITERIA (^) FOR EVALUATION
The criteria for evaluating proposed alternatives to the con- ventional methods of resolving legal disputes are mostly (^) taken for
t Judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit; Senior Lecturer, The (^) Univer- sity of Chicago Law School. This is a revised version of a paper given at the National Con- ference on Litigation Management at Yale Law School on October 4, (^) 1985. The research assistance of Randal C. Picker is gratefully acknowledged, as are the comments of Picker, Albert Alschuler, Gregory Barton, Hugh Brenneman, Edward Brunet, Frank Easterbrook, E. Donald Elliott, Jerry Goldman, William Landes, (^) John Langbein, Geoffrey Miller, Phil Neal, Anthony Partridge, Maurice Rosenberg, and Hans Zeisel on a previous draft of this paper; discussions of the subject-matter (^) of the paper with Susan Getzendanner and Thomas Lambros; and comments of conference participants. 1 See RICHARD A. POSNER, THE FEDERAL COURTS: CRISIS AND REFORM pt. 11 (1985). See, e.g., ELIZABETH ROLPH, INTRODUCING (^) COURT-ANNEXED ARBITRATION: A POLI- CYMAKER'S GUIDE (Rand Inst. for Civ. Justice 1984); ALTERNATIVES TO THE HIGH (^) COST OF LITIGATION, (^) Special Issue on Judicial ADR, 1985, passim (Center for Public Resources publi- cation); ATTACKING LITIGATION COSTS AND DELAY: PROJECT REPORTS (^) AND RESEARCH FINDINGS (Am. Bar Ass'n 1984); (^) Symposium: Alternative Dispute Resolution, 29 VILL. L. REV. 1219 (1984); Bush, Dispute Resolution Alternatives and the Goals of (^) Civil Justice: Jurisdic- tional Principles (^) for Process Choice, 1984 WIs. L. REv. 893; McMillan & Siegel, Creating a Fast-Track Alternative Under the Federal Rules of Civil (^) Procedure, 60 NOTRE DAME L. REV. 431 (1985); Nejelski & Zeldin, Court-Annexed Arbitrationin (^) the Federal Courts: The Philadelphia Story, 42 MD. L. REV. (^787) (1983); Peckham, A JudicialResponse to the Costs of Litigation: Case Management, Two-Stage Discovery Planning and Alternative Dispute Resolution, 37 RUTGERS L. REV. 253 (1985).
Summary Jury Trial and ADR
granted. That is because those making the (^) proposals are practical rather than theoretical men, and most practical men (^) think they can (^) tell at a glance whether something works, and if it does they pronounce it successful. I, however, a prisoner (^) of my academic past, propose four stringent criteria for (^) evaluating any procedural reform:
1. The procedure must conform to a model of (^) rational liti- gant (^) behavior. Although emotion and ignorance play a role in liti- gation, no proposed (^) alternative is likely to work that assumes, im- plicitly or explicitly, that litigants and (^) their lawyers are irrational. Rationality is the dominant although not the only characteristic (^) of behavior in established institutional frameworks administered by professionals, such as that provided by the rules of (^) federal trial procedure. I won't attempt to defend this premise (^) in its full breadth but will note later some empirical support for the rational model of litigant behavior.^3
1 On rational theories (^) of human behavior generally see, for example, GARY S. BECKER, THE ECONOMIC APPROACH TO HUMAN BEHAVIOR (1976), and on (^) their application to law see RICHARD A. POSNER, THE ECONOMICS OF JUSTICE (^) ch. 1 (1981); RICHARD A. POSNER, ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF LAW chs. 1-2 (3d ed. 1986). 4 On (^) the application of social science (^) methodology to law see, for example, (^) Stigler, The Law and Economics of Public Policy: A Plea to the Scholars, 1 J. (^) LEGAL STUD. 1 (1972); Zeisel, Reflections on Experimental Techniques in the Law, 2 J. LEGAL STUD. (^107) (1973),
Summary Jury Trial and ADR
trict judge or a magistrate. At the appointed time a jury is em- paneled in much the usual manner, although in a summary (^) jury trial (^) the lawyers are not allowed as many challenges. The jurors are told it will be a summary jury trial (^) but not-not yet anyway-that their decision will have no binding (^) effect.^6 The lawyers then pre- sent summaries of witness testimony plus their own argument. No live witnesses are called, but in summarizing the testimony (^) that the witnesses would give if called the lawyers may (^) not contradict any facts stipulated to or otherwise established in pretrial discov- ery. The jury is charged and deliberates, and returns a verdict in the usual way. The lawyers and (^) their clients-for the parties them- selves are required to attend (^) the summary jury trial, the hope be- ing that this will encourage settlement-can then talk to the ju- rors. (^) The trial is intended to take the better part of a day, although I have been told of one that lasted (^) six days. The idea behind the summary jury trial is to facilitate settle- ment by giving parties and counsel a sense of how a jury is likely to evaluate their case. The verdict is in no way binding, and the par- ties can have a regular jury trial if they wish. But the summary jury trial is not voluntary; it is a compulsory part of the pretrial phase of the lawsuit, like a pretrial conference.
B. Evaluation
1. The Requirement (^) of Rational Behavior. The summary jury trial does not flout (^) my first criterion of evaluation; it does not rest on an assumption that litigants or their lawyers behave irra- tionally. If this seems rather a backhanded (^) way of putting it, you will soon see why. a. The Model (^) of Settlement. Economists and economics- minded lawyers have modeled litigants' choice of whether to try or settle a case.^7 The model predicts that the parties will settle if the plaintiff's minimum settlement price (demand) is less than the de- fendant's maximum settlement price (offer), or in symbols if
PpJ- C + S < PdJ + C-S, (1)
' The practice on when, (^) if ever, the jury is told its true function is not uniform. See infra notes 29-31 and (^) accompanying text. 7 See, (^) e.g., R. POSNER, supra note 3, § 21.5, at 522-25; Landes, An Economic Analysis of the Courts, 14 J.L. & EcoN. 61 (1971); Shavell, Suit, Settlement, (^) and Trial: A Theoretical Analysis Under Alternative Methods for the Allocation of Legal Costs, 11 J. LEGAL (^) STUD. 55 (1982). Landes's article presents some empirical evidence supporting the economic model of litigation behavior, as does Danzon & Lillard, Settlement Out of Court: The Disposition of Medical Malpractice Claims, 12 J. LEGAL STUD. 345 (1983).
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or, equivalently, if
(PP - Pd)J < 2(C - S). (2)
Pp JJ is the expected judgment to the plaintiff if he goes to trial, but is not his mini- mum settling price. His minimum settling price, or minimum demand, is the net expected benefit to him of going to trial, and so is lower than Pp J by the difference between the plaintiff's trial and settlement costs (i.e., by C - S), since he will lose that difference if he goes to trial. Therefore the plaintiff's minimum demand is Pp J - (C - S) = Pp J - C + S, the left side of inequality (1). For the defendant, the excess of trial over settlement costs (C - S again), being an additional expected loss from trial, must be added to his estimate of the plaintiff's expected judgment (Pd J) in determining a maximum settlement offer, i.e., the net amount the de- fendant expects to lose if the case is tried. Hence the defendant's maximum offer is Pd J + C - S, the right side of inequality (1).
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True, the parties could always (^) arrange for a mock summary jury trial on their own-in much the same way that lawyers (^) pre- paring for (^) jury trials in big cases will sometimes hire mock juries to hone their forensic skills on. But real and mock summary jury (^) trial would differ in two respects. First, while (^) a mock jury is a mock jury, the jury in a summary (^) jury trial is a real jury which (usually) doesn't know until too late, as it were, that it is rendering (^) a merely advisory (^) verdict. Every jury-trial lawyer and judge knows (or thinks he knows) that jurors take seriously the reiterated admoni- tions that they are deciding a matter of consequence (^) and endeavor conscientiously to discharge this duty of citizenship. But (^) about the conscientiousness (^) of mock juries and therefore their comparability to real juries there (^) is a nagging doubt.1 1 Another difference between (^) the mock jury and the summary jury is that the government pays (^) the latter (at the same rate as regular federal jurors) and, with its power of conscription, pays what for many of them (^) is a below-market wage. Thus the saving to the litigants from not (^) having to pay for this settlement aid at mar- ket rates is even greater than the government's actual budgetary cost. 2 Can a public subsidy of the settlement process be justified? In (^) this age of swollen caseloads, maybe it can be. The benefits of settlement go not only to the parties but to other (^) users of the court system, who face shorter queues (^) and less harried judges as the set- tlement rate rises. Since parties who settle create external benefits, maybe they should be allowed (^) to create some offsetting external costs, too;' 3 maybe (^) that will bring us closer to the socially optimum level of settlements. This is especially plausible (^) because the gov- ernment subsidizes litigation. Since the parties (^) bear only a fraction of the costs they impose on the judicial system (^) and other litigants, an offsetting or even greater subsidy to settlement may (^) be warranted.
4
1 In R. HASTIE, (^) S. PENROD & N. PENNINGTON, INSIDE THE JURY ch. 3 (1983), however, the authors argue forcefully (^) that experiments using mock juries can be made sufficiently realistic to yield reliable predictions about the behavior of real juries. 2 This is a private rather than social (^) saving. The real costs of the jury are no lower than if jurors were paid a market wage, but with conscription (^) much of the cost is borne by the jurors themselves. 13 This is a standard technique in law. See, for example, the doctrines of "public neces- sity" and of "economic loss" in tort law, (^) discussed in RIcHARD A. POSNER, TORT LAW: CASES AND ECONOMIC ANALYSIS 186-87, 467-68 (1982). 14 The existence (^) of a positive externality may also explain why the summary jury trial must be compulsory, instead of the (^) parties' being allowed to decide whether to have one. The private (^) costs of this technique might exceed its private benefits and yet be lower than the social benefits. Also, judges who use summary jury (^) trials may not fully trust lawyers to
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The noncommittal manner in which I have put the case for subsidizing settlement is deliberate. Settling a case may also re- quire an expenditure of judicial resources; the summary jury trial itself illustrates this point. Reducing (by subsidizing) the litigants' costs of settling cases might, by reducing the cost of resorting to the courts in the first place, actually increase the total costs of the system, even if the settlement rate rose. I shall come back to this issue later. Moreover, although the summary jury trial does seem likely to reduce the uncertainty that the economic model (as well as com- mon sense) predicts is a big factor in the decision to try rather than settle a case, it does not follow that the settlement rate (^) will rise. Uncertainty is not the only variable in the model. The sum- mary jury trial may also alter trial costs and (as already suggested) settlement costs, and in the model the difference between the two (C - S) is also critical to the decision whether to go to trial. The direction in which summary jury trial alters trial (^) and set- tlement costs, however, is a question of some difficulty. (^) If one eval- uates these costs as of the end of the procedure, (^) then it seems that summary jury trial reduces both (^) types of cost, though probably only slightly. It reduces (^) litigation costs by giving the parties a real- istic and partly government-financed rehearsal that substitutes for a part of their trial preparation. It reduces settlement costs by pro- viding a forum, again partly government-financed, for settlement negotiations. It does these things because, as we have seen, it is a free (and superior) substitute for information the costs of which would have been borne entirely by the parties.1 5^ If trial and settle- ment costs are reduced by the same percentage, the absolute dif- ference between them must shrink; for example, if C falls by 25 percent, from $1,000 to $750, and S also by 25 percent but from $600 to $450, the difference between C and S will fall from $400 to $300. Therefore the likelihood of trial must increase. This effect would have to be balanced against that of increasing the conver- gence of the parties' estimates of their chances at trial. But the end of the summary jury trial is not the right point at which to measure trial and settlement costs. The right point is whenever settlement negotiations do or could occur. And until the summary jury trial takes place, its cost to the parties (^) enters into their decision calculus as a cost of continuing to litigate rather
be the loyal and effective agents of their clients. 15 Setting to one side other forms of judicial involvement in settlement. See, e.g., supra text accompanying note 9.
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The qualification is critical, since^ if^ there^ are^ only^ a^ few^ cases^ in each group we can have no assurance that the groups are compara- ble. But it would not be difficult to obtain a large enough sample. There are more than 14,000 civil trials in the federal courts each year,"' and a much larger number of cases that are set for trial, since many cases settle on the eve of trial. If for just one or two years one percent of the cases ready for trial were assigned ran- domly for summary jury trial, we would have an adequate sample for purposes of statistical study. No such study has been attempted. Judges who like the idea of the summary jury trial use it in cases they think will benefit from it. Neither the presiding judge nor the case is chosen ran- domly. So the fact that many judges who use the summary jury trial are enthusiastic about it may tell us little about its effectiveness. A simpler but inferior alternative to a randomized study would be for judges conducting summary jury trials to record cer- tain information: (1) the parties' estimates of how long the real trial would take, (2) the length of the summary jury trial, (3) whether the case was settled or, if not, (4) the length of the real trial. The problem with this method is that the cases settled after summary jury trial might have been settled by another, maybe cheaper, form of judicial intervention. (In contrast, if a control group were used, the effectiveness of any settlement devices used in lieu of summary jury trials would be tested automatically.) Nev- ertheless the method would at least yield information on the maxi- mum benefits realistically to be expected from the use of summary jury trials. A third possibility would be to require the lawyers in a sum- mary jury trial to submit anonymous evaluations of the procedure to the Federal Judicial Center. Anonymity would prevent the law- yers from trying to curry favor with the judge by praising the pro- cedure (chosen by the judge) or its implementation (by the judge). If the plaintiff's and the defendant's lawyers disagree in their eval- uation, I would be inclined to discard it; winning or losing a case can distort perceptions severely. But if both lawyers concur in ei-
and Time Saving: A Statistical Analysis, 76 HAmv. L. REv. 1606 (1963). The dates of these two studies show that the statistical study of legal procedure is not just a fad of the 1980s. And, of course, such studies have long been standard in the evaluation of new medical procedures. " See ADMINISTRATxIVE OFFICE OF THE U.S. COURTS, 1985 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIREc- TOR table C8.
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ther a positive or negative evaluation, I would consider it pretty reliable. 19 The failure to use scientific methods to evaluate the summary jury trial can be compared instructively with the method (^) being used (^) to evaluate the experimental federal prison at Butner, North Carolina, a prison designed (penologically, not architecturally) (^) by my distinguished academic colleague, Norval (^) Morris. Butner is a prison largely without (^) bars. Prisoners live in unlocked rooms rather than cells and are allowed to (^) wear their street clothes. Guards do not wear (^) uniforms. Thus, an effort is made to create as noncoercive an atmosphere as possible, coupled, however, with the insistence that the prisoners (^) use their time productively. If the people running Butner were allowed to choose the pris- oners, the experiment would be pronounced (^) an astonishing success. Professor Morris was not interested in such facile triumphs, and insisted that a (^) certain number of prisoners be assigned randomly and that their (^) behavior in Butner and after release be compared with a control group of inmates of other federal prisons. 20 The (^) ex- periment (^) has been going on for eight years and has revealed that (1) Butner's alumni have (^) the identical recidivism rate as the con- trol (^) group, but (2) the level of prison violence among Butner's in- mates (^) is only half that of the control group. These statistics pro- vide a solid basis for pronouncing Butner a substantial (^) though limited success-though unfortunately the imitation (^) by other fed- eral prisons of some of the experimental features of Butner may have contaminated the control group to some extent. I anticipate the objection that lawsuits are less (^) fungible than prisoners. Whether true or not, this is not a (^) valid objection to my suggested procedure. If one picked 1,000 federal civil cases at ran- dom, divided them (^) randomly into two groups of 500 cases each, used summary jury trial in each case in one group but in no (^) case in the other group, and then found (^) that the settlement rates in the two groups differed substantially, (^) it would be hard to argue that summary jury trial had made no difference. There would (^) be many differences among the cases in both groups, but with (^) each group being both large and randomly selected, all the (^) differences but
19 In (^) M.-D. JAcounovrrcH & C. MOORE, supra note 5, at 7-20, the authors present re- sults of a questionnaire sent to lawyers who had participated in summary jury trials. The responses were generally favorable (^) to the device, but no effort was made to confine analysis to cases (^) in which both the plaintiff's and the defendant's lawyers concurred in the evaluation. 10 See NoRvAL MORRIS, THE FuTuRE OF IMPISONMENT 117-21 (1974).
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to do) might have effects disproportionate to the number of cases in which it was used. Table 2 summarizes the study's results. A simple comparison of the number of trials might suggest dramatic improvements in the Northern District. Civil trials (^) in the Northern District declined in number from 380 to 270, compared to a much smaller decline in the Southern District and an increase for the circuit as a whole. But as shown graphically in Figure 1, this decline began years before the summary jury trial was introduced and leveled off after its introduction-the opposite of what one would expect if the de- vice raises the settlement rate. This is not conclusive evidence against the efficacy of summary jury trials, since (among other things) extraneous forces may have been pushing up the number of trials and the summary jury trial may have held these forces in check. A simple comparison with the trend in the number of trials in non-Northern (^) District (NND) districts (the top line in Figure 1) would so suggest. But comparison with the Southern District (the bottom line) suggests not.
Figure 1 Number of Trials 1200
1000
T 800 r a 600
400 .......... (^) ......... (^). 200.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^.^ ..^............^....^.^.^.
0 1 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 'Year Number of Trials, N.D. Ohio Number of Trials, (^) S.D. Ohio Number of Trials, 6th Cir., Non-N.D. Ohio
Looking now to median disposition (^) time, one finds no signifi- cant trend, but again the Northern District's performance is not
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of pending cases in the Northern District rose 58 percent between the two periods, compared to 50.9 percent for the Southern Dis- trict and 9.7 percent for the NND districts. To summarize, the study does not support a conclusion that the summary jury trial increases judicial efficiency; but again the crudeness of the study must be stressed. It does not show that the summary jury trial is a failure but does highlight the uncertainty that must attend an experiment in judicial reform that is not con- ducted using scientific techniques that would enale the outcome of the experiment to be evaluated objectively. The results of the study, assuming they hold up under more rigorous statistical analysis (which would attempt to control for additional factors besides number of judges that may affect judicial performance across districts), are not particularly surprising. For compared to what should the summary jury trial be expected to raise the settlement rate? Compared to utter judicial passivity? That would not be a realistic benchmark. The summary jury trial is one of many methods of encouraging settlements. Others include a lengthier pretrial conference and more active judicial involve- ment in the parties' settlement discussions.^23 The judicial time taken up in summary jury trials might be spent equally well or even better on some other method of encouraging settlements, (^) es- pecially when one considers how lavish the summary jury trial is with the judge's time: he spends a whole day trying to settle one case. We should keep in mind that settling more cases may make litigation more attractive to other disputants by reducing the wait- ing period for a trial. The total number of trials may not be af- fected, though the data in Table 2 suggest that the summary jury trial has not reduced the court queue. Another point is that the device operates on only a small fraction of the total number of tri- als, which in turn is only a small fraction of the total number of cases. Judge Lambros conducts a summary jury trial in any case that he thinks likely to require a jury trial of more than three days. However, most judges set a higher threshold, recognizing that a
23 A recent survey found that most lawyers think that active judicial involvement in settlement negotiations is the key to raising the settlement rate. See WAYNE BRAZIL, SET- TLING CIVIL SUITS: LITIGATORS' VIEws ABOUT APPROPRIATE ROLES AND EFFECTIVE TECHNIQUES FOR FEDERAL JUDGES (Am. Bar Ass'n 1985), summarized in Brazil, What Lawyers Want From Judges in the Settlement Arena, 106 F.R.D. 85 (1985). Professor Schuck's conference paper, supra note 9, is a case study of such involvement. Admittedly that involvement was far more extensive than a summary jury trial would require; on the other hand the case was gigantic.
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Summary Jury Trial and ADR
trial time is only 20 percent.2 5^ But the percentage of settlements is unlikely to be very high, given that the universe is all those cases not settled by any device today. Although judges using summary jury trial report overwhelming success, they are not using the de- vice all the time; they are using it in cases where they think it likely to work. If they used it in all cases bound for (^) trial, the suc- cess rate would fall. Moreover, the only judges who use the device today are those who believe in it and want to make it work; nonbe- lievers forced to use it would have a lower success rate. This might not be true if every district judge were persuaded to use it volunta- rily, but that is unlikely to happen.
3. Legal and Prudential Constraints. My third criterion is that any proposed alternative respect legal and prudential con- straints on judicial power. Although (^) Congress has empowered lower federal courts to^ issue^ supplementary^ rules^ of^ procedure^
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am not sure it has authorized them to order summary jury trials. Admittedly, federal judges have long had the power (^) to convene ad- visory juries. But the summary jury is not an advisory jury. It does not advise the judge how to decide (^) the case, but is used to push the parties to settle. It is therefore outside the scope of rule 39(c) of the Federal Rules of Civil (^) Procedure, which deals with advisory juries.
2 7 I also (^) can find nothing in rule 16 (pretrial conference) to sug- gest that judges are authorized to convene juries to assist in settle- ment. It is true that rule 16(c)(7) permits the participants in the pretrial conference to "consider and take action with respect to
... the possibility of settlement or the use of extrajudicial proce- dures to resolve the dispute." But the Advisory Committee's note to the 1983 amendment which added this subsection does not men- tion summary jury trial or authorize any special procedures for en- couraging settlement. All the subsection appears (^) to require or au- thorize, so far as is relevant here, is the discussion (not implementation) at the pretrial conference of extrajudicial proce-
:5 The increase in the projected savings of trial time during the period of years in the table reflects the fact that trials have been getting longer. 29 See 28 U.S.C. § 2071 (1982). '1 Rule 39(c) allows the district court, "[i]n all actions not triable of right by a jury," to "try any issue with an advisory jury." This would seem to exclude the summary (^) jury trial, which is used in actions triable of right by a jury. As the Advisory Committee's note ex- plains, rule 39(c) codifies the traditional practice in equity, maritime law, and other nonjury fields whereby the judge could if he wanted convene a jury to advise him on questions of fact. See, e.g., Kohn v. McNulta, 147 U.S. 238, 240 (1893); In re Incident Aboard the D/B Ocean King, 758 F.2d 1063, 1071-72 (5th Cir. 1985); 9 C. WRIGHT & A. MILLER, FEDERAL PRACTICE AND PROCEDURE § 2335 (1971).
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