






























Study with the several resources on Docsity
Earn points by helping other students or get them with a premium plan
Prepare for your exams
Study with the several resources on Docsity
Earn points to download
Earn points by helping other students or get them with a premium plan
Community
Ask the community for help and clear up your study doubts
Discover the best universities in your country according to Docsity users
Free resources
Download our free guides on studying techniques, anxiety management strategies, and thesis advice from Docsity tutors
The Home Rule crisis of 1885 and 1886 was marked by two climactic general elections which resulted in the transformation of the Irish Parliamentary Party ...
Typology: Study notes
1 / 38
This page cannot be seen from the preview
Don't miss anything!
Written by: Dr Brian Kirby Steering Committee: Dr Ciaran Brady, Mr John Dredge, Dr Noel Kissane, Mr Gerry Lyne
When it became publicly known that Gladstone had converted to supporting Home Rule, the Liberal Party began to fragment. Led by *Joseph Chamberlain who championed the Ulster Protestants, a significant section of Gladstone’s own party failed to support him in his efforts at settling the Irish Question. Gladstone articulated his plans for Home Rule in a bill which he introduced in parliament in April 1886 (Document 11 ). With the powers of any new Irish legislature severely restricted, it should be recognised that what was not included in the Home Rule bill was almost as significant as what it offered. The schism in the Liberal Party effectively ruined Gladstone’s proposals and the bill was narrowly defeated in a parliamentary vote. Gladstone accounted for his failure to secure Home Rule in his Address to his constituents (Document 12 ). Making a passionate plea for support in the forthcoming general election of 1886, Gladstone argued that in principle self-government for Ireland was right, making the case that it would ensure the consolidation of the Empire. The Home Rule bill and Gladstone’s Address are extremely significant historical documents as they reveal the depth of his commitment to Home Rule which had implications for the remainder of the nineteenth century.
An edited transcript is included with each document. The Biographical Notes section contains short character sketches on the principal figures mentioned in the documents. A Glossary has also been added and should be integrated at the reading and initial comprehension stages of document study. Cross references with both the Biographical Notes and Glossary sections are indicated by an asterisk () and have been added in the document descriptions and transcripts where they seem most likely to assist the student. In addition, ‘The new electoral map of Ireland’ ( United Ireland , 19 December 1885) has been added to this introduction (p. xii ). It should serve as a useful reference source for both teachers and students. The questions associated with each document range from description and commentary questions relating to the source to assessments of reliability and accuracy. Students should first consider where, when and why a document was produced before moving to more analytical questions which include the element of interpretation. Like other classes of historical documents, a visual source has a creator with a distinct point of view. Using visual documents requires careful analysis of both the content and point of view; students should also consider the symbols, caricatures and captions employed by cartoonists. It is obvious that the cartoons presented in this case study do not reflect a balanced or impartial view of the event or persons to which they refer; students will need to identify the artist’s viewpoint before making interpretative judgements on the content and accuracy of the source. Finally, students should be encouraged to place the subject matter of the document into a wider historical context and, if possible, make comparisons and correlations with other sources of evidence.
Joseph Chamberlain (1836-1914) Liberal, later Liberal Unionist; President of the Board of Trade, 1880-85.
‘Old Joe,’ as he was called, was a radical in as much as he was a member of the Unitarian Church and a firm believer in such core liberal principles as universal male suffrage, free public education and the disestablishement of the Church. On the Irish question, however, his resistance to Home Rule led to his leaving the Liberals and setting up the Liberal Unionist Party. In 1886 he formed an alliance with Lord Salisbury’s Conservatives which ensured the defeat of the Home Rule bill and Gladstone’s Liberals in the election of that year. In 1891 he became leader of the Liberal Unionists in the House of Commons and in 1895 he was appointed Colonial Secretary. True to his radical heritage, his control of the Liberal Unionists enabled him to pressurise the Conservative government into adopting a more progressive social policy.
Lord Randolph Churchill (1849-95) A descendent of the duke of Marlborough, Lord Randolph was an Independent Conservative who vehemently opposed both the Liberal Party and Gladstone’s alliance with the Parnellites. In the years 1885 and 1886 he was active both in and outside parliament promoting opposition to Home Rule. On his trips to Belfast he outraged nationalists who accused him of stoking up sectarian resentment by coining such phrases as ‘Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right’. As a reward for these efforts the Conservative prime minister, Lord Salisbury, appointed him Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1886.
John Joseph Clancy A scholar in Ancient Classics, Clancy was educated at Queen’s College Galway and served as editor of the Nation from 1880 to 1885. He was nationalist M.P. for North Dublin from 1885 to 1918. Parnell, at one point, censured him for advocating a policy of ‘wringing English necks.’ Nevertheless, he remained a true Parnellite, supporting his leader through the crisis in the early 1890s.
Clanricarde, 2nd^ Marquis of, (1832-1917) Hubert George De Burgh-Canning One of the most eminent titled landlords in the west of Ireland, Clanricarde possessed a vast fortune mainly derived from his estate of 56,836 acres around Portumna, County Galway. Such wealth invariably brought with it political influence and the Marquis represented County Galway in parliament from 1867 to 1871.
John Dillon (1851-1927) A leading Land League campaigner, Dillon was one of Parnell’s most committed lieutenants during the Land War of the early 1880s and advocated using the tactics of boycotting and legal intimidation to win tenant rights. Elected as M.P. for Tipperary in 1880, Dillon was arrested and jailed on several occasions. His consequent health problems led him to travel to America. He returned to contest the 1885 election at which he gained a seat for Mayo on Parnell’s Home Rule platform. Alongside William O’Brien and Timothy Harrington, Dillon was a key figure in the promotion
unionist association, the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union. As a controversialist and an articulate academic Maguire was noted for his virulent personal attacks upon Parnell.
John Morley (1838-1923) Liberal, Chief Secretary for Ireland, Feb. 1886-Aug. 1886; 1892-95. A brilliant journalist and biographer, Morley was editor of the radical newspaper the Pall Mall Gazette when he entered parliament in 1885. On the radical wing of the Liberal party, he was a firm supporter of William Gladstone and Home Rule. As Chief Secretary for Ireland Morley moved to restore order in the country by easing the restrictions in place under the coercion acts and by actively promoting Parnell’s supporters. Morley was also instrumental in the drawing up of the first Home Rule bill presented to parliament in 1886.
John Fergus O’Hea (1838-1921) A skilled Cork-born comic-artist, O’Hea began his career as a mural and banner painter for local tradesmen in his native city. His father was active in the nationalist Young Ireland movement and this may have sparked his interest in militant politics. He was a contributor to the Young Ireland newspaper, The Nation. By the early 1880s his cartoons regularly appeared in colour supplements issued by the Weekly Freeman , Young Ireland and Shamrock journals. O’Hea’s work illustrates the effectiveness of nationalist visual propaganda.
James Francis Xavier O’Brien (1828-1905) O’Brien studied medicine but became active in the Fenian movement and was sentenced to be hanged for his involvement in the abortive rising of 1867. Having had his sentence commuted to life, O’Brien, like so many of the leading Fenians, went into exile on the continent where he continued his medical studies. Soon afterwards he made his way to the United States where he worked as a surgeon during the Civil War. Returning to Ireland, he played a prominent role in the Land War acting as General Secretary of the United Irish League of Great Britain. O’Brien served as M.P. for South Mayo from 1885 to 1895 and for Cork city from 1895 to 1905.
John Boyle O’Reilly (1844-1890) A Boston-based journalist and poet, O’Reilly was born in Drogheda, County Louth and was involved in the Fenian movement from an early age. He enlisted in the British army for the purposes of recruiting for the I.R.B. but his activities were uncovered in 1866 and he was sentenced to twenty years penal servitude in Australia. In 1868, however, he escaped from a penal settlement near Freemantle and made his way to Philadelphia on board a whaling ship. In 1870 O’Reilly became editor of the Boston Pilot , acting as part-proprietor of the paper from 1876 until his death in 1890. As a result of his experiences in captivity, he adopted constitutional agitation as the only effective means of achieving independence for Ireland. He also acted as a champion of Native and African-American rights.
Charles Stewart Parnell (1846-91) Born into a Protestant landed family in County Wicklow, in 1875 Parnell was elected as a Home Rule M.P. He earned a formidable reputation at Westminster and associated with Joseph Biggar in the adoption of ‘obstruction’ as a means of highlighting Irish grievances. Parnell progressed to the leadership of nationalist affairs through the adoption of ‘the New Departure’ and the foundation of the Land League
in 1879. His achievement in securing the passage of the Land Act of 1881 allowed him to focus his energies on securing his much-cherished goal of Home Rule. Enforcing a ruthless code of discipline upon his party, Parnell was responsible for the sweeping success at the general election of 1885 which saw the return of an unprecedented 86 nationalist members. This left Parnell with the balance of power at Westminster and led directly to Gladstone’s conversion to Home Rule in 1886. Following the narrow defeat of the first Home Rule bill, Parnell’s reputation was further enhanced by his vindication at a commission set up to investigate his alleged involvement in the Phoenix Park murders. Soon afterwards, however, his career was ruined by personal scandal when in 1889 he was named as correspondent in the O’Shea divorce case. Having been rejected by Gladstone and the majority of his own party, Parnell fought an arduous by-election campaign and died must probably of coronary thrombosis in Brighton on 6 October 1891. Parnell’s lasting achievement was his harnessing of both extremist and constitutional strands of Irish nationalist politics.
Sir Charles Russell (1832-1900) Lord Killowen, Liberal; Attorney General, Feb.1886-July 1886; 1892-94; Lord Chief Justice of England , 1894-1900. Born in Newry, County Down, Charles Russell, a Catholic, studied law at Trinity College Dublin before moving in 1856 to London where he became a successful Queen’s Counsel. From this time onwards Russell took a keen interest in Irish affairs and was returned in 1880 as an Independent Liberal M.P. for Dundalk. Although never a member of the Parnellite party, Russell was known to be sympathetic; he opposed the use of coercion and wrote many letters to newspapers on the Irish Land Question. Supporting Home Rule as a means of strengthening ties between Ireland and Britain, Russell believed an Irish parliament to be an essential remedy for Ireland’s problems. He was leading counsel for Parnell during the Parnell Commission of 1888-90, being the key figure in undermining the evidence associating Parnell with the Phoenix Park murderers. Russell’s opening speech for the defence is considered one of the great nineteenth-century treatises on the Irish Question.
Lord Salisbury (1830-1903) Robert Gascoyne Cecil, 3rd^ Marquis of Salisbury, Conservative, Prime Minister, 1885-86; 1886-92; 1895-1902. Salisbury was leader of the Conservative (Tory) Party in Britain in the period 1880-
Archbishop William Joseph Walsh (1841-1921) Although not favoured by the British government, Walsh was appointed Archbishop of Dublin in 1885. Active in the nationalist movements led by Parnell, William Walsh supported both constitutional agitation for Home Rule and in 1886 the Plan of Campaign. Walsh became an extremely influential figure in the Irish church and was instrumental in the attempts to oust Parnell once the storm surrounding the O’Shea affair broke.
boycotts and legal challenges were the stock-in-trade of the Plan and served to re- ignite the land war particularly in the south and west of the country.
United Ireland (1881-98) Founded by Parnell in 1881 to promote the interests of the Land League, United Ireland was edited from 1881 to 1890 by William O’Brien M.P., a close associate of Parnell. The newspaper described itself as the ‘official organ’ of the Irish Parliamentary Party and published cartoons and caricatures in order to circulate the nationalist message to a wider audience. In the hands of a journalist as skilled as O’Brien United Ireland served as an important propaganda tool for Parnell and in 1886 was to the fore in elaborating the Plan of Campaign. It was also instrumental in politicising the land issue, in elucidating the doctrine of Home Rule and in promoting interest in a revival of Gaelic culture throughout the 1890s.
Documents favourable to Parnell and Home Rule
Documents opposed to Parnell and Home Rule
Documents relating to Gladstone’s government
Interpretation and Criticism
To what issue is the cartoon referring?
What techniques or satirical devices does the cartoonist employ?
What is the cartoon’s message?
Who is the cartoon aimed at?
Explain how the words in the caption clarify the symbolism used by the cartoonist.
Does the cartoon clearly convey the desired message? Give reasons for your answer.
Is the cartoonist’s use of national stereotypes successful?
Wider Context
Relate the concerns of the cartoonist to the campaign for Home Rule. Has the cartoon changed your interpretation of this campaign? Explain.
How has the cartoon added to your knowledge of how nationalists appealed to the public for support of Home Rule with both direct and indirect messages?
A pamphlet by *John Joseph Clancy, Tracts on the Irish Question – no. 2 – the elections of 1885 , publicising the victory of the Irish Parliamentary Party at the 1885 general election (Dublin, 1886).
Description of Document
In election years in Ireland the production of short pamphlets was phenomenal. Designed to promote interest in election issues they tended to offer one-sided and wholly un-reliable views of policies and issues. Written by the Home Rule M.P. for North Dublin, *John Joseph Clancy, this pamphlet formed part of a series produced for the *National League primarily for election purposes. Aside from explaining the nationalist cause, these documents provided an alternative voice in opposition to the abundant unionist literature in circulation in Dublin at the time. In this particular extract Clancy attempts to present the Irish Parliamentary Party’s stunning election success of 1885 as proof of the nation’s desire for self-government.
Edited Transcript of Document
Minimizing the Popular Triumph
Various attempts have been made to minimize the unprecedented victory, won last November in Ireland, until it would almost seem as if there had been no popular victory at all. It has been said-
The Question at the Election
As a matter of notorious fact, every Irish candidate who addressed a constituency last November, declared in favour of a Native Parliament, and all such candidates, before addressing their constituencies, took a public pledge to sit, act, and vote together in the House of Commons. The notion that such men as Mr. Healy, Mr. Biggar, and Mr. *William O’Brien, the editor of * United Ireland – all members for Ulster constituencies – could be supposed, even if they never said a word on the subject of self-government, to be mere land law reformers, is absurd.
An extract from the diary of Sir George Fottrell, 11 Sept. 1885, referring to the arrival of the new Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, his support for Home Rule and a meeting with *Sir Charles Russell (N.L.I. MS 33, 670).
Description of Document
This is an extract from the diary of Sir George Fottrell (1824-1925). Describing himself as both a ‘consistent nationalist’ and a ‘crown official’ Fottrell was a close acquaintance of Sir Robert Hamilton, the under secretary for Ireland. In October 1884 Fottrell was appointed clerk of the crown for Dublin city and county on Hamilton’s recommendation. Fottrell’s diary covers the period from 1885 to 1887 and is concerned principally with Parnell and the Home Rule question. It provides a very personal insight into the climactic events of the period and supplies first-hand information on the thinking of many of the leading figures in the Irish administration.
Edited Transcript of Document
1885, 11 September.
Dr. *Walsh the new Archbishop of Dublin entered Dublin about a week ago. He met with a very enthusiastic reception from the people but the absence of the richer class of Catholics was most marked. In reply to an address presented to the Archbishop on his arrival he emphatically stated his opinion that peace & content could never reign in Ireland until she had won a separate legislature.
This is I believe the first instance in History on which a Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin openly expressed himself in favour of an Irish Parliament. *Dr. Walsh’s declaration renders it certain that the Irish bishops to a man may now be counted among Mr. Parnell’s followers. I doubt if the same could at any time after 1829 have been said of O’Connell.
*Charles Russell, Q.C. M.P., came to Dublin a couple of days ago. I had a long chat with him today. He told me that he met Dr. *McEvilly the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam on the day before yesterday & that the latter told him there was considerable political apathy in the west of Ireland & that he accounted for it [by referring to] the fact that the farmers believe they have got nearly all the personal benefit they are likely to receive and that they object to the prospect of men of a low social position being almost the only candidates for parliamentary honours owing to the imposition of the ‘pledge’ proclamation by *Parnell; the ground for the objection is not however their dislike of being represented by men of a comparatively low social position, but is the belief that they the farmers will be called upon to contribute to the support of members who have not means of their own to support them.
This may be true. I doubt its accuracy & I venture to predict that west of the Shannon there will not be a candidate returned who will not take the Parnell pledge.
Description and Comprehension
What class of document is this?
When was it written?
For what purpose was it written?
What does Fottrell say about the new archbishop’s views on Home Rule? [Paragraph, Dr. Walsh…]
Why is Fottrell surprised by the declaration in favor of the new archbishop of Dublin in favour of a separate legislature for Ireland? [Paragraph, This is I believe…]
What is said about Parnell’s pledge in the source? [Paragraph, Charles Russell…]
Interpretation and Criticism
Was the document meant to be private or public?
Fottrell does not appear to be wholly convinced by Sir Charles Russell’s opinions. Why is he so unmoved by what Russell has to say?
What impression does this document give of the supporters of Parnell’s Home Rule movement?
Wider Context
Why were Catholic bishops hesitant about public declarations of support for Parnell’s campaign for Home Rule?
Parnell’s pledge was designed to create a strong and tightly disciplined party. How does the information in this document add to your understanding of the role of the pledge in securing electoral success for the Irish Parliamentary Party under Parnell?
What other historical sources would help you to check the conclusions reached in this document?
Wider Context
What is the connection between the work of the cartoonist and the campaign for Home Rule?
Comment on the physical appearance of the persons in the cartoon? Is it the cartoonist’s intention simply to poke fun at British politicians?
What can visual texts (such as this cartoon) illuminate that written sources do not reveal?
Address to the Protestants of Ireland, issued by an association of Protestants urging support for Home Rule, 23 June 1886 (N.L.I. Minute book and notices of the Irish Protestant Home Rule Association, MS 3657).
Description of Document
This document, issued by the Irish Protestant Home Rule Association, represents an attempt by this newly-founded organization to induce Protestants to support Home Rule. As a public declaration of principles, the document’s presentation and content is straightforward. The notice outlines the perceived advantages of Home Rule, castigates its opponents and generally promotes the work and membership of the association. The document is of interest in as it shows that the impetus for the founding of the association came from Protestants in Belfast.
Edited Transcript of Document
Irish Protestant Home Rule Association _______
ADDRESS To the Protestants of Ireland
Protestant Fellow Countrymen,
At the present crisis, when the political energies and thought of the people of these countries are concentrated upon the practical solution of the great problem of better government of Ireland, this Association has been formed in order to unite all classes and denominations of Protestants in promoting a safe, equitable, and permanent settlement of the question.
It is not our desire to separate ourselves from our Roman Catholic Countrymen … Attempts have been made to create in the minds of our fellow citizens in England and Scotland groundless apprehensions of dangers to us of religious persecution, or the imposition of civil disabilities, and by the appeals to religious bigotry and party rancour to excite in our minds a bitter hatred and distrust of our own countrymen…we reject with scorn the calumny [slander] that the lives and liberties of Protestant Irishmen would be imperiled by the restoration of an Irish Parliament.
The foremost statesman of the century [*Gladstone], aided by his loyal associates in the Cabinet, and supported by the great English and Scotch Liberal Party, the true Representatives of the People, has undertaken the task of creating a responsible English Government. He seeks to remove Irish local affairs from the arena of English Party strife … Against this great statesman are marshalled the combined forces of those territorial and class interests whose influence in maintaining social conditions