Docsity
Docsity

Prepare for your exams
Prepare for your exams

Study with the several resources on Docsity


Earn points to download
Earn points to download

Earn points by helping other students or get them with a premium plan


Guidelines and tips
Guidelines and tips

Understanding Racism: A Theoretic Framework with an Allegory, Schemes and Mind Maps of Public Health

A theoretical framework for understanding racism on three levels: institutionalized, personally mediated, and internalized. The author uses an allegory of a gardener with two flower boxes to illustrate the relationship between these levels and potential interventions. The document emphasizes the importance of addressing institutionalized racism for significant change.

Typology: Schemes and Mind Maps

2021/2022

Uploaded on 09/27/2022

gilian
gilian 🇬🇧

4.6

(11)

228 documents

1 / 4

Toggle sidebar

This page cannot be seen from the preview

Don't miss anything!

bg1
August 2000, Vol. 90, No. 81212 American Journal of Public Health
Going Public
Camara Phyllis Jones, MD, MPH, PhD
ABSTRACT
The author presents a theoretic
framework for understanding racism on
3 levels: institutionalized, personally me-
diated, and internalized. This framework
is useful for raising new hypotheses
about the basis of race-associated dif-
ferences in health outcomes, as well as
for designing effective interventions to
eliminate those differences.
She then presents an allegory about
a gardener with 2 flower boxes, rich and
poor soil, and red and pink flowers. This
allegory illustrates the relationship be-
tween the 3 levels of racism and may
guide our thinking about how to inter-
vene to mitigate the impacts of racism
on health. It may also serve as a tool for
starting a national conversation on
racism. (Am J Public Health. 2000;90:
1212–1215)
The author is currently with the Department of Health
and Social Behavior, Department of Epidemiology,
and the Division of Public Health Practice, Harvard
School of Public Health, Boston, Mass. She will soon
begin working with the Centers for Disease Con-
trol and Prevention, Atlanta, Ga.
Requests for reprints should be sent to Camara
Phyllis Jones, MD, MPH, PhD, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, 4770 Buford Hwy, MS K45,
Atlanta, GA 30341.
This article was accepted April 12, 2000.
Race-associated differences in health out-
comes are routinely documented in this coun-
try, yet for the most part they remain poorly
explained. Indeed, rather than vigorously ex-
ploring the basis of the differences, many sci-
entists either adjust for race or restrict their
studies to one racial group.1Ignoring the eti-
ologic clues embedded in group differences
impedes the advance of scientific knowledge,
limits efforts at primary prevention, and per-
petuates ideas of biologically determined dif-
ferences between the races.
The variable race is only a rough proxy
for socioeconomic status, culture, and genes,
but it precisely captures the social classification
of people in a race-conscious society such as
the United States. The race noted on a health
form is the same race noted by a sales clerk, a
police officer, or a judge, and this racial clas-
sification has a profound impact on daily life
experience in this country. That is, the variable
“race” is not a biological construct that reflects
innate differences,2–4 but a social construct that
precisely captures the impacts of racism.
For this reason, some investigators now
hypothesize that race-associated differences in
health outcomes are in fact due to the effects of
racism.5,6 In light of the Department of Health
and Human Services’ Initiative to Eliminate
Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health by the
Year 2010,7,8 it is important to be able to ex-
amine the potential effects of racism in causing
race-associated differences in health outcomes.
Levels of Racism
I have developed a framework for under-
standing racism on 3 levels: institutionalized,
personally mediated, and internalized. This
framework is useful for raising new hypothe-
ses about the basis of race-associated differ-
ences in health outcomes, as well as for de-
signing effective interventions to eliminate
those differences. In this framework, institu-
tionalized racism is defined as differential ac-
cess to the goods, services, and opportunities
of society by race. Institutionalized racism is
normative, sometimes legalized, and often man-
ifests as inherited disadvantage. It is structural,
having been codified in our institutions of cus-
tom, practice, and law, so there need not be an
identifiable perpetrator. Indeed, institutional-
ized racism is often evident as inaction in the
face of need.
Institutionalized racism manifests itself
both in material conditions and in access to
power. With regard to material conditions, ex-
amples include differential access to quality
education, sound housing, gainful employment,
appropriate medical facilities, and a clean en-
vironment. With regard to access to power, ex-
amples include differential access to informa-
tion (including one’s own history), resources
(including wealth and organizational infra-
structure), and voice (including voting rights,
representation in government, and control of
the media). It is important to note that the as-
sociation between socioeconomic status and
race in the United States has its origins in dis-
crete historical events but persists because of
contemporary structural factors that perpetuate
those historical injustices. In other words, it is
because of institutionalized racism that there is
an association between socioeconomic status
and race in this country.
Personally mediated racism is defined as
prejudice and discrimination, where prejudice
means differential assumptions about the abil-
ities, motives, and intentions of others accord-
Levels of Racism: A Theoretic Framework
and a Gardener’s Tale
pf3
pf4

Partial preview of the text

Download Understanding Racism: A Theoretic Framework with an Allegory and more Schemes and Mind Maps Public Health in PDF only on Docsity!

1212 American Journal of Public Health August 2000, Vol. 90, No. 8

Going Public

A B S T R A C T Camara Phyllis Jones, MD, MPH, PhD

The author presents a theoretic framework for understanding racism on 3 levels: institutionalized, personally me- diated, and internalized. This framework is useful for raising new hypotheses about the basis of race-associated dif- ferences in health outcomes, as well as for designing effective interventions to eliminate those differences. She then presents an allegory about a gardener with 2 flower boxes, rich and poor soil, and red and pink flowers. This allegory illustrates the relationship be- tween the 3 levels of racism and may guide our thinking about how to inter- vene to mitigate the impacts of racism on health. It may also serve as a tool for starting a national conversation on racism. ( Am J Public Health. 2000;90: 1212–1215)

The author is currently with the Department of Health and Social Behavior, Department of Epidemiology, and the Division of Public Health Practice, Harvard School of Public Health, Boston, Mass. She will soon begin working with the Centers for Disease Con- trol and Prevention, Atlanta, Ga. Requests for reprints should be sent to Camara Phyllis Jones, MD, MPH, PhD, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 4770 Buford Hwy, MS K45, Atlanta, GA 30341. This article was accepted April 12, 2000.

Race-associated differences in health out- comes are routinely documented in this coun- try, yet for the most part they remain poorly explained. Indeed, rather than vigorously ex- ploring the basis of the differences, many sci- entists either adjust for race or restrict their studies to one racial group.^1 Ignoring the eti- ologic clues embedded in group differences impedes the advance of scientific knowledge, limits efforts at primary prevention, and per- petuates ideas of biologically determined dif- ferences between the races. The variable race is only a rough proxy for socioeconomic status, culture, and genes, but it precisely captures the social classification of people in a race-conscious society such as the United States. The race noted on a health form is the same race noted by a sales clerk, a police officer, or a judge, and this racial clas- sification has a profound impact on daily life experience in this country. That is, the variable “race” is not a biological construct that reflects innate differences,2–4^ but a social construct that precisely captures the impacts of racism. For this reason, some investigators now hypothesize that race-associated differences in health outcomes are in fact due to the effects of racism.5,6^ In light of the Department of Health and Human Services’ Initiative to Eliminate Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health by the Year 2010,7,8^ it is important to be able to ex- amine the potential effects of racism in causing race-associated differences in health outcomes.

Levels of Racism

I have developed a framework for under- standing racism on 3 levels: institutionalized, personally mediated, and internalized. This framework is useful for raising new hypothe- ses about the basis of race-associated differ- ences in health outcomes, as well as for de- signing effective interventions to eliminate those differences. In this framework, institu- tionalized racism is defined as differential ac-

cess to the goods, services, and opportunities of society by race. Institutionalized racism is normative, sometimes legalized, and often man- ifests as inherited disadvantage. It is structural, having been codified in our institutions of cus- tom, practice, and law, so there need not be an identifiable perpetrator. Indeed, institutional- ized racism is often evident as inaction in the face of need. Institutionalized racism manifests itself both in material conditions and in access to power. With regard to material conditions, ex- amples include differential access to quality education, sound housing, gainful employment, appropriate medical facilities, and a clean en- vironment. With regard to access to power, ex- amples include differential access to informa- tion (including one’s own history), resources (including wealth and organizational infra- structure), and voice (including voting rights, representation in government, and control of the media). It is important to note that the as- sociation between socioeconomic status and race in the United States has its origins in dis- crete historical events but persists because of contemporary structural factors that perpetuate those historical injustices. In other words, it is because of institutionalized racism that there is an association between socioeconomic status and race in this country. Personally mediated racism is defined as prejudice and discrimination, where prejudice means differential assumptions about the abil- ities, motives, and intentions of others accord-

Levels of Racism: A Theoretic Framework

and a Gardener’s Tale

August 2000, Vol. 90, No. 8 American Journal of Public Health 1213

ing to their race, and discrimination means dif- ferential actions toward others according to their race. This is what most people think of when they hear the word “racism.” Personally mediated racism can be intentional as well as unintentional, and it includes acts of commis- sion as well as acts of omission. It manifests as lack of respect (poor or no service, failure to communicate options), suspicion (shopkeep- ers’ vigilance; everyday avoidance, including street crossing, purse clutching, and standing when there are empty seats on public trans- portation), devaluation (surprise at competence, stifling of aspirations), scapegoating (the Rose- wood incident,9,10^ the Charles Stuart case,11– the Susan Smith case15–18), and dehumaniza- tion (police brutality, sterilization abuse, hate crimes). Internalized racism is defined as accep- tance by members of the stigmatized races of negative messages about their own abilities and intrinsic worth. It is characterized by their not believing in others who look like them, and not believing in themselves. It involves accepting limitations to one’s own full humanity, includ- ing one’s spectrum of dreams, one’s right to self- determination, and one’s range of allowable self- expression. It manifests as an embracing of “whiteness”(useofhairstraightenersandbleach- ing creams, stratification by skin tone within communities of color, and “the white man’s ice is colder” syndrome); self-devaluation (racial slurs as nicknames, rejection of ancestral culture, and fratricide); and resignation, helplessness, and hopelessness (dropping out of school, failing to vote, and engaging in risky health practices). The following allegory is useful for illus- trating the relationship between the 3 levels of racism (institutionalized, personally mediated, and internalized) and for guiding our thinking about how to intervene. I use this story in my teaching on “race” and racism at the Harvard School of Public Health as well as in my pub- lic lectures.

Levels of Racism:A Gardener’s Tale

When my husband and I bought a house in Baltimore, there were 2 large flower boxes on the front porch. When spring came we decided to grow flowers in them. One of the boxes was empty, so we bought potting soil to fill it. We did nothing to the soil in the other box, assuming that it was fine. Then we planted seeds from a single seed packet in the 2 boxes. The seeds that were sown in the new potting soil quickly sprang up and flourished. All of the seeds sprouted, the most vital towering strong and tall, and even the weak seeds made it to a mid- dling height. However, the seeds planted in the old soil did not fare so well. Far fewer seeds sprouted, with the strong among them only making it to a middling height, while the weak among them died. It turns out that the old soil was poor and rocky, in contrast to the new pot- ting soil, which was rich and fertile. The dif-

ference in yield and appearance in the 2 flower boxes was a vivid, real-life illustration of the importance of environment. Those readers who are gardeners will probably have witnessed this phenomenon with their own eyes. Now I will use this image of the 2 flower boxes to illustrate the 3 levels of racism. Let’s imagine a gardener who has 2 flower boxes, one that she knows to be filled with rich, fer- tile soil and another that she knows to be filled with poor, rocky soil. This gardener has 2 pack- ets of seeds for the same type of flower. How- ever, the plants grown from one packet of seeds will bear pink blossoms, while the plants grown from the other packet of seeds will bear red blossoms. The gardener prefers red over pink, so she plants the red seed in the rich fertile soil and the pink seed in the poor rocky soil. And sure enough, what I witnessed in my own gar- den comes to pass in this garden too. All of the red flowers grow up and flourish, with the fittest growing tall and strong and even the weakest making it to a middling height. But in the box with the poor rocky soil, things look different. The weak among the pink seeds don’t even make it, and the strongest among them grow only to a middling height. In time the flowers in these 2 boxes go to seed, dropping their progeny into the same soil in which they were growing. The next year the same thing happens, with the red flowers in the rich soil growing full and vigorous and strong, while the pink flowers in the poor soil struggle to survive. And these flowers go to seed. Year after year, the same thing happens. Ten years later the gardener comes to survey her garden. Gazing at the 2 boxes, she says, “I was right to prefer red over pink! Look how vibrant and beautiful the red flowers look, and see how pitiful and scrawny the pink ones are.”

August 2000, Vol. 90, No. 8 American Journal of Public Health 1215

1921–1990. Am J Epidemiol. 1991;134: 1079–1084.

  1. Cooper R, David R. The biological concept of race and its application to public health and epi- demiology. J Health Polit Policy Law. 1986;11: 97–116.
  2. Cavalli-Sforza LL, Menozzi P, Piazza A. The History and Geography of Human Genes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; 1994: 19–20.
  3. Williams DR. Race and health: basic questions, emerging directions. Ann Epidemiol. 1997;7: 322–333.
  4. Krieger N, Rowley DL, Herman AA, Avery B, Phillips MT. Racism, sexism, and social class: implications for studies of health, disease, and well-being. Am J Prev Med. 1993;9(6 suppl): 82–122.
  5. Jones CP. Methods for Comparing Distributions: Development and Application Exploring “Race”-Associated Differences in Systolic Blood Pressure [dissertation]. Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health;
  6. President Clinton announces new racial and eth-

nic health disparities initiative [White House fact sheet]. Washington, DC: US Dept of Health and Human Services Press Office; February 21,

  1. US Dept of Health and Human Services. The Initiative to Eliminate Racial and Ethnic Dis- parities in Health. Available at: http:// raceandhealth.hhs.gov/. Accessed May 29,

  2. Jones MD, Rivers LE, Colburn DR, Dye RT, Rogers WW. A documented history of the inci- dent which occurred at Rosewood, Florida, in January 1923. Located at: State Library, Talla- hassee, Fla. Also available at: http://members.aol. com/klove01/rosehist.txt. Accessed May 29,

  3. Love K. Materials on the destruction of Rose- wood Florida. Available at: http://members.aol. com/klove01/rosedest.htm. Accessed May 29,

  4. Canellos PS, Sege I. Couple shot after leaving hospital: baby delivered. Boston Globe. October 24, 1989;Metro/Region section:1.

  5. Jacobs S. Stuart is said to pick out suspect.

Boston Globe. December 29, 1989;Metro/Region section:1.

  1. Cullen K, Murphy S, Barnicle M, et al. Stuart dies in jump off Tobin Bridge after police are told he killed his wife: the Stuart murder case. Boston Globe. January 5,1990;Metro/Region section:1.
  2. Graham R. Hoax seen playing on fear, racism: the Stuart murder case. Boston Globe. January 11, 1990;Metro/Region section:1.
  3. Davis R. Prayers lifted up for abducted boys: tots whisked off in S.C. carjacking Tuesday. USA Today. October 27, 1994:10A.
  4. Terry D. A woman’s false accusation pains many blacks. New York Times. November 6, 1994;sec- tion 1:32.
  5. Harrison E. Accused child killer’s family apolo- gizes to blacks. Race relations: Susan Smith’s brother says that his sister’s false claim that an African American man kidnapped her sons was a “terrible misfortune.” Los Angeles Times. No- vember 9, 1994:A9.
  6. Lewis C. The game is to blame the blacks. Philadelphia Inquirer. November 16, 1994:A15.