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The historical and cultural reasons behind the high prevalence of tobacco use among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia. the use of indigenous tobacco and pituri, the methods of ingestion, and the role of external influences such as Macassans and European settlers in the spread of tobacco use. The document also highlights the health disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians and the challenges of addressing tobacco use in Indigenous populations.
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120 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 2002 VOL. 26 NO. 2
Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Australian Capital Territory
moking is now more common among Indigenous people than among non-Indigenous people in Australia – almost double the national rate.^1 Tobacco is also ingested in conjunction with cannabis. 2 Torres Strait Islanders are signif i- cantly less likely to smoke than are Aborigi- nal people. Almost one-third of Aboriginal respondents to a survey in 1994 believed that it was safe to smoke a pack of cigarettes a day, and many Indigenous health workers are smokers. 3 Smoking is an important risk fac- tor for a variety of diseases and conditions, par ticularly circulatory disease, respirator y disease, cancer and low birth weight. Sig- nificantly, it is these conditions that are ma- jor f actors in the observed disparity in health between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians; deaths from respirator y disease among Aboriginal people are f ive to six times g reater than for non-Aboriginal peo- ple. 4 Providers of public health interventions into smoking (and other drug uses) in In- digenous populations have a complex series of underlying historical and social issues to take into consideration. For example, there is debate about the supposed root causes of drug and alcohol misuse among Indigenous people, including the argument that exces- sive use of substances can be explained by their absence prior to contact with outsid- ers, or to the lack of pre-contact social rules constraining their use. In the case of alco- hol, many commentators believe that con- temporar y high rates of consumption occur because Aborigines had no traditional knowledge of intoxicating be verages.5,
Tobacco smoking has been identified as a major contributor to the high morbidity and mortality rates of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders. After years of inattention, smoking cessation projects designed for Indigenous Australians are beginning to emerge. Dealing successfully with smoking cessation would be enhanced by an understanding of the long-standing historical, social and cultural antecedents to present-day usage of tobacco. This paper provides a brief account of the historical precursors to present-day patterns of tobacco use among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Historical records and mission documents, together with ethnographic accounts, suggest that Indigenous tobacco use today demonstrates strong continuity with past patterns and styles of use. These sources also reveal that Europeans deliberately exploited Aboriginal addiction to nicotine. (Aust N Z J Public Health 2002; 26: 116-120)
Correspondence to: Maggie Brady, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Hanna Neumann Building #21, The Austr alian National University, Canberra, ACT 0200. Fax: (02) 6125 2789; e-mail: maggie.brady@anu.edu.au
Submitted: April 2001 Revision requested: July 2001 Accepted: Februar y 2002
Others have suggested that contemporary alcohol misuse is a reaction to the restric- tion of alcohol during prohibition.^7 In addi- tion, social scientists propose that the more a substance is used to signify selection and exclusion, then the more it might be expected to appear among those who are e xcluded. 8 In the case of tobacco, however, all these arguments founder. Aboriginal people had long used indigenous sources of tobacco and other mood-altering drugs before contact. Far from being denied the use of tobacco, Abo- rigines and Tor res Strait Islanders were will- ingly provided with tobacco products b y Europeans and by visitors from South-East Asia. Tobacco was used as payment for la- bour and was an acceptable item of exchange for intellectual and cultural property. It was even provided free as part of official gov- ernment rations. Introduced tobacco became highly prized, and is now embedded in the sociability and exchanges of everyday life for thousands of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders. It is now well established that most of the convicts, marines, soldiers and settlers of colonial Australia were heavy users of alco- hol.^9 Less frequently we are told that they were also heavy users of tobacco. In 1819, it was reported that ever y second adult (Brit- ish) male was addicted to tobacco.^10 During the invasion of the continent, tobacco, alco- hol and opium were used to pacify and exploit the Indigenous owners of the land, but tobacco came to hold a dominant posi- tion in this endeavour. The Indigenous populations already made use of naturally occur ring, regionall y specif ic drug
Health Inequalities Article
2002 VOL. 26 NO. 2 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 121
substances, but they were unprepared for the impact that the de- sire for introduced alcohol, opium and commercially produced tobacco would produce.
The Indigenous peoples of the continent and its islands exploited psychoactive plant substances with skill; northern groups acti vely incorporated new drug substances that were introduced by visi- tors long before the British arrived. A little is known about pre- existing alcohols, as some early commentators documented the manufacture and consumption of mildly intoxicating fer mented drinks made from flora. 11-14^ There is more detailed documenta- tion of the use of indigenous nicotine-bearing plants (‘bush to- bacco’), which were used as stimulants. Before the ar rival of outsiders, Aboriginal people did not smoke an y form of tobacco, but chewed the leaves of several plants, some of which were nico- tine-containing (including Nicotiana excelsior, N. suaveolens, N. ingulba and N. gossei ). The leaves were dried in the sun and rolled into balls or lumps, which were wetted with saliva before use and dipped in and mixed with ash from the bark, leaf or twigs of par- ticular trees. This alkaline ash is added in order to give more juice and bite to the quid and it ‘free-bases’ the nicotine. 12,13^ Wads of mixed ash and tobacco were stored behind the ear, which delivers a mild dose of nicotine, and was believed by some groups to have the power to improve a person’s hearing.^14 Bush tobacco such as this was (and is) used as a stimulant and a depressant. When chewed, it has a narcotic effect and w as used as a medicament to alleviate physical stress, hunger, headache and dr yness of mouth. The leaves of the most highly favoured tobacco bush found in central Australia (N. gossei ) contain 1.1% nicotine.^15 Women from this region told me that bush tobacco was so strong that it would make people sick until they became used to it (Maggie Brady 1/ 12/1988).^16 Some species are said to be ‘hot’ and ‘biting’, with the ability to blister the mouth. Bush tobacco was so desired that people would refer to themselves as ‘starving’ for it. 17 It was highly sought after, traded over long distances and chewed with enthusi- asm by young and old. It is not clear, though, whether native to- baccos were used by Aborigines in every part of the continent. Aborigines did not cultivate tobacco, although, according to eye- witness accounts, tobacco (of unknown species) was grown by Torres Strait Islanders.18,
Apart from these indigenous tobaccos, an even more powerful nicotine-containing drug was used, known as pituri , which was made from the cured leaves of the shrub Duboisia hopwoodii of the Solanaceae family. Like native tobaccos, the leaves were dried, mixed with ash and chewed. Prepared and chewed quids were stuck behind the ear. Pituri was offered to the explorers Burke and Wills, who described its effects as similar to “two pretty stiff nobblers of brandy”. In the prime growing areas, pituri plants appear to have contained up to 8% of nicotine (commercial
cigarettes contain about 2%). It was a powerful stimulant, an ad- dictive anesthetic and was widely traded. 20,12^ It is likely that users were addicted, rather than merely habituated, to the drug. Rolled into tight balls or pellets and wrapped in bark or fibre plant, it kept its narcotic properties for months.21,22^ Although Duboisia hopwoodii was highly valued and widely traded, it was not used as a mood-altering dr ug by Aborigines ever ywhere. Both histori- cal and modern accounts of its use become confused, because the word ‘pituri’ was rapidly assimilated into English and Aboriginal English as a general term that was applied to all indigenous chew- ing tobacco, not just the product made from Duboisia. ‘Pituri’ has even been used to describe cigarettes. The ethnography reveals that, traditionally, communities un- derstood and employed a number of social control mechanisms over nicotine-containing plants, which included contraints on pro- duction, distribution and consumption. Mature men maintained restricted knowledge of the processing of pituri. With the deci- mation of Aboriginal populations and the loss of economic knowl- edge pituri use declined, coinciding with the increased availability of tobacco, alcohol and opium. 12 The entrenched use of native tobacco and pituri by Aboriginal people in many areas meant that a habituated clientele had been created for the commercially pro- duced tobacco brought in by Europeans and other visitors. Abo- rigines quickly became addicted to introduced tobacco and went to considerable lengths to obtain it. The manner in which pituri and tobacco had been traded, and the fact that a wide variety of goods were obtained in exchange for these drugs, provided the socio-cultural basis for the way in which imported tobacco was obtained, exchanged and traded with Europeans.
The f irst major distributors of impor ted tobacco to Aboriginal Australians were the Macassans (from what is now Sulawesi), who visited northern Australia from around 1700 until the early 20th century to f ish for trepang, a marine invertebrate prized as a food by the Chinese. Tobacco was used by the Macassans in an apparently respectful way to facilitate good relations with the Aborigines, who they recognised as having rights over the land.^23 The Macassans introduced numerous items to coastal Aborigines from the Kimberley to the Gulf of Carpentaria, including lan- guage terms, dugout canoes, shovel nosed spears, liquor, particu- larly arrack (probably derived from palms), brandy, betel nut, tobacco and pipes. Some items were distributed as payment or tribute each season to Aboriginal traditional owners for the right to f ish for trepang and pearls. Of these exchange goods, tobacco and tobacco pipes have had the most enduring influence. The dis- tinctive long Macassan pipe was incorporated into Aboriginal social and ceremonial life and is still in use today. 24,25^ Tobacco was also introduced into CapeYork and the Torres Strait, although it is not clear by whom.^26 An eyewitness account documents Torres Strait Islanders f ainting and becoming sick after smoking tobacco they had obtained from mainlandAborigines. 19 The Islanders used smoking pipes of bamboo, traded from other islands, and
Health Inequalities Roots of tobacco use among Indigenous people
2002 VOL. 26 NO. 2 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 123
Many historical descriptions imply that Aboriginal people were passive victims of their desires, drifting nomads who became unwillingly entangled in European settlement. On the contrary, it is clear that Aborigines were active, pur posive and enterprising in their quest for food, clothes and tobacco. 31 The deter mined search for tobacco (from Europeans) was a cultural transforma- tion of a pre-existing economic activity. Procuring tobacco (as well as blankets and food) from Europeans was viewed as a right- ful exchange for the loss of land and resources incurred at the hands of outsiders. 45
These uses of tobacco show a remarkable continuity over time, with minor adaptations to new resources. For example, in 1986 a Ngarinman woman in the Timber Creek (NT) region showed me an indigenous nicotiana plant saying: “Two-fella same: Log Cabin and this one”. Log Cabin is a popular brand of loose tobacco. In 1897, WE Roth noted that people would prepare their tobacco (for chewing) in a similar manner to the preparation of pituri.^22 There are accounts from 1897 and 1939 of pituri being smoked, rather than chewed, an innovation that occurred after the introduction of commercial tobacco. 22,25^ In addition, geography influences today’s methods of tobacco ingestion, so that smoking is now more preva- lent among Aborigines from the top end of the Norther n Ter ritory than among those living in central regions where tobacco once was, and still is, chewed.^46 More women than men chew tobacco, and all who chew mix their chewing tobacco (either loose, flake or plug) with ash, just as they had done with chewed bush tobaccos and pituri. Central Australian Aborigines continue to store prepared wads of chewing tobacco behind the ear, as was done in the past with bush tobacco. Nineteenth century sources show that children were allowed to smoke and chew tobacco; today in central Aus- tralia it is possible to see a child with a quid of tobacco. Aboriginal people were inventive in their uses of tobacco, rapidly incorporat- ing introduced Macassan or European clay pipes in the 18th and 19th centuries. New smoking paraphernalia were created from crab- claw, shell, wood, drift bamboo and in the 20th century, the spent cartridges of .303 rifles and soda syphons. In the 19th century convicts, the labouring classes and Abo- riginal people smoked tobacco in clay pipes, while the gentrif ied classes used other methods of ingestion. Today, Winfield Red and Marlboro (with its cowboy associations^28 ), containing high lev- els of tar and nicotine, are popular brands selected by Aborigines. (Paul Hogan, as an icon of the working man, was used to promote Winfield Red to a blue-collar clientele). These brands target Aboriginal consumers; in 1998 Rothmans even used Aboriginal images to market Winfield Red in Europe. 47 Their manufacturers organise special promotions in some north- ern Aboriginal communities. In one, a percentage of every dollar spent on a particular brand of cigarettes was donated to the pur- chase of football jumpers for the local Aboriginal team. 48 In an- other (in an area where the Macassans first introduced the smoking of imported tobacco), one high-tar brand made up 87% of ciga- rette sales from the local store in 1998.^49
The difference today is that people no longer have control over production and therefore over consumption. Social controls were developed for some drug substances ( pituri for example); sources of the drug plants were closely guarded and distribution was well- established. It is not known, however, whether these social con- trols prevented over-use leading to ill health. Tobacco is highly addictive, b ut there are also social explanations for its entrenched use among Aboriginal people. It is a substance f irmly grounded in an economic and cultural life that has long antecedents. The sociable sharing of cigarettes and passing around the same ciga- rette when supplies are low are normative behaviours. Cigarettes or loose tobacco frequently change hands (along with food, cash, alcohol) in circumstances described by the anthropologist Nic Peterson as ‘demand sharing’, 17 rather than spontaneous giving. This form of sharing is epitomised by the Aboriginal English ter m ‘humbugging’ for tobacco. 50
Perhaps the most damning aspect of this account of Indigenous tobacco use in Australia is the extent to which Europeans are implicated in it. It is not that Europeans necessarily thrust to- bacco on to an unwilling Indigenous population. After all, many Aboriginal people were already enthusiastic users of nicotine from the bush, and had sourced their own supplies of non-indigenous tobacco from South-East Asian contacts. The unpalatable truth is that an addiction was intentionally manipulated by Europeans for a number of ends. It would be as well for those engaged in health promotion to have an appreciation of this context, not only be- cause it highlights some historical and cultural determinants of use, but also because such knowledge may help health profes- sionals to free themselves from implicit assumptions about to- bacco use. These historical and social understandings may also infor m current programs of inter vention by reminding us that it is not possible to use the argument ‘it’s not Indigenous culture’ when dealing with tobacco use.
Many thanks to Jeremy Long, and George Boeck who searched out historical references.
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124 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 2002 VOL. 26 NO. 2
Brady Article